and have no doubt that the excessive supply of vehicles of news, altogether disproportioned to the demand, for which Calcutta is most remarkable, is a principal reason of the objectionable tone of the press of that place.

There is too great a practical impunity to libel. No libel-laws applicable to the Mofussil courts have ever been enacted; and those who would avail themselves of the English law of libel must bring their causes to the presidency towns, and there prosecute them in many cases among a population of sympathisers on the other side. The position of Government in the Supreme Courts is somehow such that it is very unwilling to come there, and, as regards the State, press-laws are literally a dead letter. Government press prosecutions are quite unknown; and there is the utmost impunity to any language. In one or two instances private individuals have prosecuted in the Supreme Courts, and, where it has depended on the judges, justice has been done: but such prosecutions are so difficult, expensive, and rare, that they hardly appreciably interfere with the practical impunity of libel. I do not pretend to have a confident opinion as to the means by which the press evils are to be tions in regard remedied, the state of things being so new and anomalous. The advantages of the press we cannot sacrifice. I trust that we shall never be deprived of our newspapers. While we encourage the use of so effective an engine of progress, some discreet censorship for the prevention of abuse would be most desirable. But then we get upon the other horn of the dilemma, for, while the use of a censorship would be advantageous, we might, by its abuse, lose more than we gain. Upon the whole, I should not yet advocate much direct restriction, as an ordinary rule.

Recommenda

to.

I have already suggested the advantage of making public as much information as possible, and of consti

tuting a sufficient assembly for the discussion of Indian affairs and Indian grievances in this country. As regards the European press, I would only enact a good and somewhat stringent law of libel for the protection both of Government and of individuals, to be administered by the ordinary tribunals of the country, and would attach certain disabilities to repeatedly convicted persons. But we might, perhaps, with advantage go farther in regard to the native press, and, in addition to the ordinary libel law, might make "contempt of Government " and the propagation of false intelligence penal.

I also think that the Governor-General in council must be armed with an extraordinary power to restrain the press in extraordinary emergencies, and that, both on this and on other grounds, a power of expelling from the country injurious individual foreigners (Englishmen included) should be somewhere vested.

I should say that it might be a good plan, though it may seem a strange one, to provide that no paper shall be published more than twice a-week without the permission of Government. There really is not true news to support a daily newspaper in any part of India. We should thus, then, obviate the temptation to invent highly-seasoned fictions; while the exposition of real abuses could not be materially interfered with by the delay of a day or two. It should not be permitted to evade the law which requires the registry of the real proprietors and responsible editors of all journals; and I think that, when anything appears involving a betrayal of the confidence of Government, or a breach of discipline on the part of Government servants, there should be some judicial process for determining that such is really the nature of the published matter, and compelling the editor to give up his authority.

It is practically impossible to prevent public officers from directly or indirectly defending themselves against imputations and misstatements, even when they do not amount to wilful and malicious libel; and I think that this much must be left to the discretion of individuals, provided that they do not communicate official infor mation which ought not to be communicated. Indiscreet justifications will be considered by Government like any other indiscreet act of a public servant.

I think that we might with advantage combine a Government paper, as a vehicle of authentic news, with the usual Government Gazette-that such a paper as the Moniteur,' for instance, might be published in each presidency. The great advantage would be, that this paper might very largely circulate among the natives, and would be infinitely preferred by them to private and unauthorised journals, than which they have at present no other resource.

Post-office.

As connected with education and information in general, and particularly with the press, the post-office is of vast importance; and there can be no doubt that Indian rates of postage are exorbitantly high, and ought to be reduced. They are high, judged by any standard; but, compared to the value of money in the country, they are enormous. I hope that roads, improved communication, and an improved post-office discipline, will render the service much cheaper than at present; lower rates will immensely increase the use of the post-office; and we may even effect the reduction without loss of revenue. But if Government must consent to pay something for the enormous use it makes of the post-office, it should not object to do so. At present the post-office is rather for the convenience of Government than of the people; and the great mass of the mails is composed of Govern

ment despatches. But the private postage alone covers the whole cost; and the post-office pays its own expenses. I do not think that an uniform postage would answer in India; the distances are too great, and the cost of transit too considerable. To do justice to the natives, the postage for short distances must be a great deal smaller than we could afford to fix for long distances. I rather think it has been proposed to have different rates, but low ones-perhaps three rates-of which the lowest, for short distances, should be the smallest coin in common use. Stamps should certainly be introduced. The inconvenience and abuse of postoffice payments is great.

As regards the overland mail communication with Europe, the present letter and newspaper rate cannot be objected to; but the excessive cost of transmitting publications (other than newspapers) and parcels is a very great grievance. I see not why printed papers should not be sent to India by post at a moderate rate, as to other parts of the British empire. The monopoly of the Peninsular and Oriental Company has certainly the effect of imposing an almost prohibitory rate on parcels; and the worst feature of the case is, that this tax is said (I do not myself know with what degree of justice) to be levied for the benefit of certain individuals connected with the Company. The communication across Egypt will soon be easy, and arrangements should be made to secure a reasonable mail-parcel rate.

This brings me to the general subject of the means of direct communication between India and Overland Europe, than which nothing can be more

communication.

important, or more likely to promote the improvement of the country. The State certainly contributes liberally towards this object in the immense contract payment to the Peninsular and Oriental Company; but our

present advantages are purchased by establishing a gigantic monopoly, which the Government grant secures from competition. No private speculation can contend against a company which has so great an advantage, and which, thus supported, can afford to drive any rival out of the market.

As regards the very highest class of passenger traffic, there is not at present much ground for complaining of the monopoly. There can be no doubt that great advan tages have been in the first instance derived from the great and successful undertakings of the Peninsular and Oriental Company. But the cost of travelling in their vessels is certainly very high, and such as does not admit of a common and popular traffic between India and Europe. The passenger charges from India to Suez (the part of the line in which there is no competition with any other route) are in particular high; and, from what I have already said of the parcels rate, it will be seen that there is little encouragement to an overland goods traffic. In fact, nothing can be sent by this route except at an enormous expense. I think that the advantage of a very long and large contract may be doubted. It might have been better to pay so much for each letter carried, and to let the first steamer that starts have the letters; or, of two starting at the same time, the fastest. We should then have fair competition. There can be no doubt that, if the one great Government grant were now withdrawn, or split into separate payments, there would still be steamers plying from India to Suez. We might have more numerous vessels, of a somewhat inferior class, conveying a much larger traffic at much cheaper rates. I doubt whether the perfect regularity of the mail communication is worth the immense cost. True, private speculators might not run regularly twice a month in the bad season, but they