Bengal and Madras, and one in Hindostan, Bombay, and the Indus territory, will be amply sufficient.

The local governments, then, will stand thus, with the annual salaries affixed:

Powers, &c.

The position of the local governments, in subordination to the Supreme Government, has been generally noticed in explaining the proposed powers and duties of the latter. The provincial governments would be in every respect subject to its orders, and would transmit information of their proceedings in such form as may be directed. But I have suggested that, under a constitutional code, the Supreme Government should delegate to its subordinates certain powers of local legislation, &c.

The plan of submitting for approval at the commencement of each year a sort of provincial budget, embodying the proposed financial arrangements, seems a very good one. It might be left to the subordinate governments to arrange details within the limits of the budget, and subject to such interference as might be deemed necessary. For all excess beyond a limited margin special sanction would be necessary. The idea of permitting any government to spend money at its discretion, while it is under no sort of obligation to find funds to meet the expenditure, is altogether absurd.

In the disposal of patronage, it might be a good plan to require the concurrence of the Supreme Government in the highest class of appointments, and to leave the rest to the local governors, as is now the case in the NorthWest Provinces.

I would have the local governors absolute in their own duties, subject only to the obligation of taking advice where there are advisers. The deputy-governors in all things, and the Commander-in-Chief in all military matters, should be made cognizant of all proceedings, and should record their opinions; after which, the governor may act on his own responsibility, in case of essential difference reporting the proceedings to the Supreme Government.

The places at which the subordinate governments shall be fixed must depend so much on local circumstances that I shall not pretend a pre

Location.

cise opinion in regard to all of them; but I would still bear in mind the public advantage of a good climate; would, as far as possible, consult the health and comfort of the officers of government; and would keep in view the principles referred to in discussing the seat of the Supreme Government.

There is no doubt that Calcutta must remain the

L

seat of the government of Bengal. I have already proposed Mussoorie-Deyrah for that of Hindostan. Lahore, having ceased to be the capital of the Sikh monarchy, and not being the old capital of the Sikh nation and religion, is not necessarily a seat of government. The Indus government might perhaps be advantageously and securely fixed on the outer range of hills overlooking the central Punjab-say near the issue of the Jhelum, which is the most navigable of the Punjab rivers.

I do not know whether it would be possible to remove the Madras government to Bangalore; but if not, the governor or deputy might now and then be permitted to spend the hot weather on the hills in the western portion of the presidency, and at the same time recruit his vigour and overlook the business of the districts in that direction.

The Bombay government seems to have established a migratory system. Perhaps the government and chief courts, &c., might be fixed at Poonah, which is in easy communication with Bombay, and shortly will be more so. But the insular position and commercial importance of Bombay itself may render the expediency of such a step doubtful. It will never do, however, that the governor, spending the hot weather and rains at Mahableshwar and Poonah, should have only the cold weather to visit his head-quarters, and no time whatever to make bonâ fide tours in his provinces. He must either fix his permanent residence at Bombay or move it else

where.

The chief political commissioner of Central India might have his head-quarters in the Saugor territory, which is our own. Hoshungabad, on the Nerbudda, would be perhaps a good place.

It only remains to provide for the contingency of its being deemed inexpedient to render the Supreme

government in

Government, by a change of constitution, duties, and place, equal to the efficient superintendence Arrangements of all India. In that case, I see nothing for it if no central but to transfer the central power to England India. (great as would be the disadvantages of such a step), and to put the minor governments ordinarily under the direction, not of the Governor-General, but of the Senate at home. One governor of superior dignity should, in this case, have a power of control in emergencies; and it is desirable that the political power of dealing with native states should be concentrated in one hand. But for this purpose it would not be necessary to have a separate Supreme Government. For the same reasons urged in fixing the site of the Supreme Government, I would give this controlling power to the Governor or Governor-General of Hindostan, and would include in that province the Indus territory and Central India. Under the Governor-General of Hindostan I would have a deputy-governor of Hindostan Proper, on the same footing as the deputy-governors of other presidencies, and, when not charged with separate duties, he should act as minister of the interior, both for Hindostan and for emergent interferences in other governments. The Indus territory I would intrust to a lieutenant-governor, subject to the Governor-General, on exactly the same footing as the present lieutenantgovernor North-West Provinces. The chief political commissioner of Central India would be like a lieutenantgovernor under the Governor-General, who should also have a responsible political minister. The Commanderin-Chief would be, ex officio, counsellor in military matters, and the deputy-governor, political minister, and Commander-in-Chief would form, collectively, a consultative council.

In case of the absence of the Governor-General on poli

tical duties, the deputy-governor, fully conversant with all details, would at once become the efficient Governor of Hindostan, under the control of the Governor-General.

Bengal, Bombay, and Madras would take their ordinary instructions from the Senate direct, and would refer to the Senate their legislation and finance.