those states, without entailing any disadvantage whatever; and that we should lose no opportunity which occurs of obtaining possession of these large, rich, and convenient territories. The Rajpoots and other clans I would, without doubt, maintain, and would only by a more discreet and equitable policy make them more directly subservient to our uses, and thus in some degree relieve the finances of the empire. In our own territories I confess that I should prefer the interests of the people to those of the mushroom official nobles of the former dynasties, and would be just before being generous. Our administration should be avowedly despotic; but I would be far from introducing severities which are no necessary part of despotisms. In spite of all the faults of the Indian press, I by no means propose to gag and silence it; no man would more deprecate such a course. I would above all things render our laws systematic, simple, and clear, but would not carry them into too great detail; would not regulate minor matters by too precise laws; but, enforcing among the servants of Government an efficient discipline and subordination, I would place much trust in them, and would leave a good deal to individual discretion. As the best means of obtaining a supply of good and trustworthy servants, I would fully maintain a profession devoted to the civil service of the state; and while relaxing its monopoly of office in some respects, would even extend its field of employment in others; but I would use the most stringent means to render that profession in the highest degree efficient, and would make admission to its ranks. to depend on fitness more than on favour. I would par ticularly study economy in our enormously expensive military system; and I would strain every nerve to put our finances on a healthy footing. As I have already said, I do not propose to sacrifice revenue with one hand and to spend money with the other; but, first providing a surplus, I then spend it on the improvement of the country. I would not retard, but in every way encourage, colonization, conversion, and the introduction of European morals, manners, and arts; I am even more sanguine than most people as to the aptness of the people to receive these benefits. With a view both to colonization and to the efficiency of a European government, I strongly advocate a regard to considerations of climate in fixing our administrative stations and our political and social capitals. If then we have but an efficient government, such as Parliament may now supply, the union of the advantages of freedom in constituting, and despotism in executing, a great imperial administration will be such as no other country possesses. India should be the best governed country in the world; and I fully believe that we might make it one of the most civilized and advanced countries in the world. I picture to myself India as it may be under an enlightened patriarchal empire, peaceable, prosperous, and Christian-its arts developed-its sciences perfected-its surface covered with useful works-its people educated, refined, and rich. London, Feb. 15, 1853. INDIA AS IT MAY BE. CHAPTER I. THE HOME GOVERNMENT. Nature of question and main principle premised; nature of present defects; shall India be actively governed in India or in England? the controlling power of the Crown as at present exercised; evils to be remedied; proposed remedy; minor changes; the administrative board and its defects; proposed modes of election; proposed mode of joint nomination and election; summary of proposed Home Government; suggested changes in regard to India House establishment; the Court of Proprietors; proposed Court of Experts; patronage. Nature of the question. Ir may be presumed that the public now sufficiently understands that the question as to that part of the administration of her Majesty's Indian territories which is conducted at home is in no wise involved in the rights or claims of what once was, and still in name is, the East India Company. Those rights have long since been determined: the part still played by the proprietors of East India stock in the election of an administrative board is merely intrusted to them for the public advantage; and we are now simply to discuss the form and mode in which India may be best and most conveniently governed, reference being had to English politics and facts as they exist, rather than as they might be under the most perfect theory. From the peculiar circumstances attending our acquisition of India has arisen a system of govern ment, the main principle of which seems to Assumed main be so well approved by all parties, as, under present cir B cumstances, better and more practicable than any other, that there can be little doubt of its retention; and it were useless here to argue the matter. That principle consists in the exercise of the right of initiation and the management of details by a permanent board free from direct party influences and mutations, and the possession by her Majesty's Government of an absolute power of control over the proceedings of this administrative body, hitherto called the Court of Directors. Measures of ordinary administration do not necessarily or generally originate with the ministry of the day; and by the aid of the independent non-political and experienced Court our Indian policy is more uniform, better considered, and less exposed to the vicissitudes of party warfare, than that of other departments of the state. Indeed, the more one learns of the mode in which matters are conducted by parliamentary ministers, and of the influences to which they are subjected, the more one is convinced of the excessive good fortune of India, in being comparatively free from such evils. It is agreed, then, that on the one hand some such body as the Court of Directors must be preserved, and on the other, that as, under our constitution, Parliament, and the ministry which commands a majority in Parliament, must of necessity be all-powerful, the cabinet of the day must retain an absolute power of control. Name of Crown or Company. Whether this conjoint government is carried on in the name of the Crown or under the traditionary appellation of the Companywhether the Directors render fealty to the Crown or the Crown exercises authority over the Directors-is of little importance as concerns the Home Government; but I shall afterwards have occasion to notice the advantages to be derived from the use of the name of the Crown in |