ON THE

IMPROVEMENT OF GOVERNMENT.

THE last half century, so prolific in the materials of history, is most remarkable for those changes of government which practically began with the American revolution. The spirit of conquest, succeeding that of chivalry, was followed by that of commerce, which gave way to the spirit of independence that prevails; and fundamentally affects all political institutions: Not those only, which are immediately under its operations; but all the rest. Commerce, and the Press, rapidly disseminate improvements, and add great influence to intelligence. Thirty millions of educated people, now in Europe and America, more than there were a few years since, and their number increasing in geometrical ratio-all intensely studious of political philosophy-create another empire within every state, continually seeking ascendancy. And this empire, though separated

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throughout many nations and by intervening seas, is nevertheless one and indivisible in its views and sympathies. Public opinion, no longer spent in the vacuum of oral tradition, is girt with omnipotence by the independent press, whose piercing rays no sanctuary can keep out. Superstition and ignorance are fallen into obscurity. Organised societies of all sects and nations, are in victorious crusade against their last holds. Religion itself must soon be free. Already laws are the popular will, even when otherwise ostensibly enacted. Divine right to passive obedience is scarcely asserted. Equality of individuals and of nations, the advantages of unrestrained intercourse, the mischiefs of all superfluous governance, are becoming established principles of international and of municipal law. Political economy, which has remained till lately almost unthought of, since the suggestions of Plato on that subject, has taken an eminent place among modern sciences. Labour and economy are recognised as the wealth of nations. Monopoly, exclusion, local preferences and factitious counteraction, are felt and treated as issues of calamity; and but few parasites utter

the preposterous flattery, that private luxury and public extravagance invigorate circulation and replenishment. Political philosophy is almost as much improved. No modern Voltaire would venture to say, speaking of Queen Elizabeth, that the people were her chief favourite : not that she liked them indeed, for who likes the people?or of Charles the Second, that he was the first king of England who procured parliamentary influence by pensions, a method of abridg ing difficulties and preventing contradictions.' Such sentiments now, would hardly be entertained.Their expression in the page of history, would be as offensive as a literal translation of the most indelicate phrases of the ancient classics. The people have come to be treated with the respect of other sovereigns: and public corruption is at least not applauded. In America the names of things are changed, with their substance. In Europe, certain antique names, forms and prepossessions, remain unaltered, as a sort of equivalent for the substantial capitulations that have taken place. But almost universally there is an adoption of many cardinal ameliorations, which

cannot fail to superinduce others and it is especially the powerful and controlling empires whose tendency is unequivocal to liberal ideas. The independence of the whole American hemisphere is not more obvious than its influence in Europe. Its European recognition is a mere commercial question, the argument of which affects rather favourably than otherwise the basis of political acknowledgment. When North America can say to Europe, 'you shall not recolonise South America,' the matter is settled.

Fox would not have retired discomfitted by Pitt, if he could have said, "within twenty-five years your adherents will repeal millions of taxes, disband hundreds of thousands of fighting men, relax the system of pressure, that has been continually drawing closer since Edward the third, openly disavow the wisdom of your predecessors, and avow their conviction that the true interests of Great Britain consist in permanent peace and forbearing legislation."-It is not more than fifteen years since the members of parliament from London, Liverpool and Bristol, anxiously opposed the abolition of the slave trade as destructive of