Another instance I may cite from my own correspondence with the illustrious deceased. The revisers of our laws had reported an amended system of weights and measures. Any change in these, even for the better, would be sure to meet with opposition; and although in the system proposed by the revisers, no alteration had been made that was not imperatively called for, or could be avoided without important sacrifices, still the opposition that has since broken out, on the part of those who were gainers by the uncertainty in which the question was involved, was anticipated. To be prepared for meeting this, the powerful aid of Clinton was sought, and immediately granted, in a manner which showed how little he valued temporary popularity, where great public interests were at stake. Had he lived, we should probably now have seen our state holding out its standards, for the imitation of the others and of the Union in general, instead of being compelled to witness this system mangled, as it has just been, to make it suit the private ends of interested individuals. Yet the very proposal of this law had anticipated, and consequently frustrated, a favourite scheme of Clinton; and the revisers who had reported it were all enrolled in the ranks of his political opponents.

It is, however, in the case of the canal policy of our state, that this feature of Clinton's character exhibits itself in the boldest relief. From the time at which the question was first started, until these great public works were fully accomplished, he showed himself the steady friend of all

the measures necessary to carry them into effect, and his aid gradually became so important to the success of the scheme, and his clear and enlightened views came to exercise such a preponderating influence, not only upon the great general principles, but even upon the minute details, as to throw into the shade the most important services that any other individual, or even that all the friends of the canal system united, had rendered to the general cause. In these exertions he persevered steadily, neither abating his efforts when the credit of the canal system had sunk to the lowest ebb, nor relaxing them when its universal popularity seemed to remove the necessity of further watchfulness. Throughout the whole history of the canal system, he seems to have considered it in its great general bearings upon national prosperity; while some supported the project in consequence of its being likely to benefit certain districts, it was again opposed by others from local motives of a contrary character; while some rejected it as likely to clog the state with a debt, to meet which, its income would be far from sufficient, others urged its completion, as a probable source of vast revenue; or converted by the growing popularity of the measure, rushed, from the extreme of enmity, into that of injudicious and hasty friendship; Clinton looked upon it, independently of local circumstances, of questions of finance, or of party policy; as the surest bond of union between states, likely under other circumstances to become estranged from each other; and as the means of promoting the wealth, the industry, and

the general prosperity of the State of New-York. His views are so clearly set forth in one of his messages to the legislature, that I shall quote them instead of attempting any illustration of my own.

"Considering the high reputation, and the great name, this state has derived from her internal improvements, it is equally astonishing and mortifying to observe elaborate and systematic attempts to depreciate their utility or arrest their progress. It is manifestly a superficial and uncandid view of the subject, to confine an estimate of its benefits to an excess of income over the interest of expenditure; and yet this standard of appreciation has been adopted. Artificial navigation was established for public accommodation, for the conveyance of articles to and from markets, and revenue is a subordinate object. It was never intended as a primary object to fill the coffers of the state, but to augment the general opulence, to animate the springs of industry, and to bring to every man's door an easy and economical. means of access to the most advantageous places of sale and purchase. To narrow down this momentous and comprehensive subject, to a mere question of dollars and cents, is to lose sight of the great elements of individual opulence, of public wealth, and national prosperity. It excludes from consideration the hundred millions of dollars which have, in all probability, been added to the value of real estate, the immense appreciation of all the products of agriculture, which were formerly shut out in a great degree

from market, the solid and extensive establishment of inland trade; the vast accessions to our marketable productions; the unbounded augmentation of our marine navigation, and external commerce; the facility, rapidity, and economy of communication; the creation of a dense population, and the erection and increase of villages, towns, and cities; and the most efficient encouragement of agriculture and the arts, by a cheap supply of materials for fabrics, and of markets for accommodation."/

Actuated and animated by such views, need we wonder that in distant parts of our country, and in foreign nations, no other name is known in connexion with the canals of the State of New-York, except that of Clinton; and the verdict of these remote districts, is the type of what will be the sentence of posterity. Other men have no doubt been eminently and especially useful; their respective acts have been ably set forth and impartially argued in the memoir to which I have more than once referred, and among them all no name appears more conspicuous than that of our venerable chairman.* It is fair and proper, nay, an act of duty that their several merits should be commemorated; but although it may appear invidious-nay, even dangerous, to celebrate the acts of the illustrious dead, when there are many living who may claim a part of his honours, I must not fail in my duty, nor refrain from boldly expressing my

*See Note E.

conviction, that while the name of Clinton is united by bonds that no lapse of time can sever to the greatest public work of modern times, those of all his coadjutors, however meritorious, must gradually sink into oblivion.

Such is the course of things. In all great human works, the physical strength, or mental energy of any one individual is far from being competent to their successful accomplishment, or even to their advantageous commence

ment.

There are innumerable instances, where, without the most minute and extensive division of labour, the work would be incapable of execution, yet in them all there is some definite and distinctive action of some one superior mind; to this we on all occasions ascribe the credit, however laboriously or skilfully, the rest of the task may have been performed. Of this truth we find innumerable instances in every department to which human industry is directed. A few will suffice for our purpose.

A chronometer is the perfection of human mechanical skill. Not less than twelve different sets of artists are employed in the original manufacture of its parts, each being confined to one particular piece. More than thirty different persons are afterwards engaged in fitting together these isolated portions, taken promiscuously from as many heaps, and in polishing and finishing them. Yet to none of these is the epithet of maker applied, but to the directing mind of the whole, to a person who may, perhaps, never have taken a tool in his hand, or even touched any part of