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VOL. LXVI.

BOSTON, NOVEMBER, 1904.

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The Thirteenth International Peace Congress, for which such long and careful preparation had been made, has come and gone. It was successful beyond the most sanguine expectations of those who had labored so earnestly and hopefully in organizing it. It was a great Congress - great in numbers, great in the character of its membership, great in interest, great in ideas and purposes, great in the dignity and sobriety with which it conducted itself, and great in its conclusions.

All the meetings preliminary to the opening of the Congress proper were most successful. Scores of ministers in and about Boston, and in various parts of the country, used the previous Sunday services to advocate the great principles in whose behalf the Congress was gathering. The union service in Tremont Temple Sunday afternoon, at which the religious aspects of the peace cause were considered, could not well have been better. The addresses of Dr. Francis H. Rowley, Rev. Walter Walsh, Rev. A. L. Lilly, Rabbi Berkowitz, Dr. Reuen Thomas and Dr. Charles G. Ames were all strong, direct and courageous, evincing clearly that modern religious bodies, however much they may have been open to the charge of indifference, have many able leaders in the front rank of this commanding movement.

No. 11

The musical consecration service on Sunday evening in Symphony Hall won the admiration of all who attended it. The music was of the highest order, the singing by the members of the Handel and Haydn Society inspiring and uplifting, the responsive scripture reading a fine exhibition of the power and effectiveness of harmonious effort, and the brief discourse pronounced by the Bishop of Hereford a lofty presentation of America's opportunity and duty to take the lead in promoting the pacific development of the world.

No one who attended the opening ceremonies of the Congress Monday afternoon, October 3, when John Hay, the distinguished Secretary of State, came on to welcome the delegates on behalf of the national government, can ever forget the occasion. The great auditorium of Tremont Temple was filled to its utmost capacity,- three thousand people,and as many more were turned disappointed away. The Mayor of Boston was there to join in the welcome, and the speaker of the State Senate representing the Governor. The audience was as choice and representative as it was large. The presence and hearty sympathy of Mr. Hay, representing one of the greatest powers of the world, was a signal proof that last won its way to the seats of authority, and bethe cause of international peace and goodwill has at come the affair of government leaders and the highest national councils, as well as of the numerous peace societies, arbitration organizations, and a vast and growing public constituency. This feature of the occasion was deeply felt by all who were present, both Americans and foreigners.

The address of Mr. Hay is given in full in this issue. There are certain statements in it, in reference to our recent history, which do not at all commend themselves to our judgment. But, these aside, its open committal of the government to arbitration as a settled policy, to the judicial settlement of disputes by an international court, to the conclusion of treaties of obligatory arbitration stipulating reference of controversies to the Hague Tribunal, and in general to a definite policy of justice, goodwill and peace among the nations, such as our country has followed so largely in the past, makes it easily the greatest, and, as we believe it will prove to be, the most potent word which has recently been spoken in reference to international affairs. It has been heard round the world.

The interest and enthusiasm of the Congress were not confined to the opening session. They continued to the very last meeting. From a thousand to fifteen hundred persons were regularly present at the deliberative sessions. The attendance of interested spectators at these meetings was surprisingly large. The evening public meetings in Tremont Temple, Park Street Church and Faneuil Hall were thronged until on more than one occasion large numbers had to be turned away. The attendance at the three meetings on Wednesday evening reached more than four thousand. The Christian Endeavor rally presided over by Dr. Francis E. Clark, the woman's meeting conducted by Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead, the workingmen's meeting in Faneuil Hall led by Samuel Gompers, the Hague Court meeting, at which Hon. Oscar S. Straus presided, and the meeting on Reduction of Armaments were conspicuously successful. Five hundred men and women sat down to the banquet on the last evening, and no one has ever seen a finer body of people met together in Boston, or anywhere else.

In its deliberations the Congress was for the most part eminently sane and practical. Little time was wasted in irrelevant discussions. The reports of the Committees which prepared the business dealt in general with questions of actual moment. It was felt on all hands that the chief thing to be aimed at, at this advanced stage of the movement, was practical results rather than fine theorizing. In framing the resolutions effort was made to put them into such form as to make them most effective with the national authorities to whom they were to be forwarded. The resolutions, which are given in full in this issue, contain, of course, some suggestions which cannot at once be fully realized. But what they ask for ought to be easy of early attainment if only peoples and governments show a reasonable readiness to do their simplest and plainest duties.

It goes without saying that the Congress was pervaded with a spirit of high idealism. The business of a peace congress is not simply to deal with what can be immediately accomplished, but also to point the way to what ought to be done in the largest and highest sense. This the Boston Congress, like its predecessors, tried in its measure to do.

The enrollment of delegates and adherents was much larger than at any previous congress. The roster shows above a thousand names, or twice as many as registered at Rouen last year. More societies and associations not distinctively organized for peace propaganda were represented than in any former year. The whole number of peace and arbitration societies and other organizations represented was above one hundred and eighty. Among these was a large number of church bodies, so thinly represented in former congresses. Business organizations also participated to an unwonted extent, and

for the first time in the history of the Peace Congress organized labor became definitely identified with it. Sixteen foreign countries were represented at the Congress by nearly one hundred delegates. Among these were many of the recognized peace leaders of the Old World - the Baroness von Suttner from Austria, in many respects the foremost woman in Europe; Dr. W. Evans Darby, Secretary of the British Peace Society; Mr. George H. Perris, Editor of Concord; William Randal Cremer, M. P., founder of the Interparliamentary Union and last recipient of the Nobel prize; W. P. Byles, ex-M. P., and Mrs. Byles; Joseph G. Alexander, Secretary of the International Law Association; Dr. Gavin Brown Clark, ex-M. P., long connected with both the Peace Congress and the Interparliamentary Union; Alderman Thomas Snape, President of the Liverpool Peace Society; Rev. Walter Walsh of Scotland; E. T. Moneta, the indefatigable leader of the peace movement in Italy; Dr. Adolf Richter and Professor Quidde of Germany; Senators Houzeau de Lehaie and La Fontaine of Belgium; Richard Feldhaus of Switzerland; John Lund of the Norwegian Parliament, Vice-President of the Nobel Committee; Prof. Theodore Ruyssen and J. Prudhommeaux of France, etc. It was to the great regret of all that the distinguished veterans of the movement, Frederic Passy of France, Hodgson Pratt of England and Elie Ducommun of Switzerland, Secretary of the Peace Bureau, were not able to be present. The Congress sent cablegrams of greeting to all three. A cablegram was also sent to Mr. Carnegie, who had done so much financially to make the Congress a success. The new faces from the United States were numerous in the Congress, and there were several also from European countries.

The two weeks campaign of meetings following the Congress was hardly less conspicuously successful than the Congress itself. Meetings, many of them large and enthusiastic, were held in New York, Philadelphia, Springfield, Worcester, Providence, Northampton, New Bedford, New Britain, Portland (Me.), Pittsburg, Toronto and Guelph (Can.), and Cincinnati, where the campaign ended on the 20th of October in a magnificent meeting in Music Hall, attended by more than three thousand representative people. Some of the leading foreign delegates attended and addressed all these meetings. The welcome and entertainment given them were everywhere most cordial and generous. In several of the cities, notably New York, Philadelphia and Toronto, a number of important meetings were held, and various classes and nationalities of people reached.

People ask what the Congress has accomplished. That cannot easily be told. Much of its force will pass into and commingle with the great current of genial influences which are hastening the day of the final abolition of war, and cannot well be estimated.

Some of the immediate effects will be a large increase of the number of adherents to the organized peace movement throughout the civilized world, the strengthening of the peace and arbitration organizations in public confidence, the lifting of the whole peace propaganda to a position of greater vantage, the hastening of the conclusion of further treaties of obligatory arbitration, the increase of public respect for the international court at The Hague, and the enlargement of the demand for the creation of a congress of the nations to meet at stated periods. It will be difficult, after such a congress as this has been, to laugh any longer at the aims of the peace advocates as chimerical. One may hope also that the Congress will have done something to give pause to the growing spirit of militarism among certain

classes of our fellow-citizens.

But the chief value of the Congress after all has been not so much what it will immediately effect as the remarkable revelation which it has made of the enormous recent development of public interest in the establishment of permanent peace among the nations and the banishment from human society of the plague of war and militarism. This desire for settled peace and order among the nations has now grown to be a strong and persistent demand among nearly all classes of men, and it can never again be suppressed until it is heard and satisfied. Governments are bowing before it, and statesmen, kings and presidents are becoming its mouthpieces. The Boston Peace Congress has brought to the movement a clear consciousness of its great magnitude and strength, and the inspiration and courage which this revelation will produce will justly entitle it to rank as one of the most influential international gatherings ever held.

facts, by means of an impartial and conscientious investigation."

The Convention provides further that the report of such a Commission shall not be considered an arbitral decision. Its whole work is simply a preliminary thorough investigation of the facts. The governments creating such a commission may of course, if they choose to do so, give it larger power than that contemplated in the Convention.

A

This important provision had lain entirely dormant until the Anglo-Russian North Sea crisis came. point in the diplomatic correspondence was reached after the reception of the Russian admiral's report at St. Petersburg, when a serious difference of opinion as to the facts of the case appeared. This difference, if not removed, might easily, and certainly would, have led to hostilities, as perversion or ignorance of facts has been always a prolific source of war.

The two governments at once, on the suggestion of M. Delcassé, the French Foreign Minister, in a spirit of friendliness and with sincere desire to avoid the calamity of war, instead of allowing things to drift swiftly and hopelessly to a catastrophe, followed their obligations under the Hague Convention, of which both were signatories, and decided to put this provision for a Commission of Inquiry into operation. The Czar of Russia seems, from the reports, to have acted promptly in a spirit of the utmost friendliness and fairness, and his course undoubtedly saved us the spectacle of a bitter war which might have involved all Western Europe.

When the Commission of Inquiry appointed by the two governments has done its work and determined the facts, then the difficulty may be settled either by direct diplomatic negotiation or by reference to the Hague Court. The Russian government seems, in the arrangement, to have undertaken to

The North Sea Incident and the Hague punish the guilty officers, if the English interpreta

Convention.

The unfortunate North Sea occurrence, in which British fishermen of Hull were killed by shots from the Russian Baltic fleet starting East, and which for a day or two threatened open rupture between Great Britain and Russia, has brought to public attention one of the most beneficent provisions of the Convention signed at The Hague July 29, 1899. This provision, contained in Section 3, Article 9, is as follows:

"In differences of an international nature involving neither honor nor vital interests, and arising from a difference of opinion on matter of fact, the Signatory Powers recommend that parties who have not been able to come to an agreement by diplomatic methods, should, as far as circumstances allow, institute an International Commission of Inquiry to facilitate a solution of the differences by elucidating the

tion of the event should be sustained by the investigation. But the facts may be found too complicated to admit of this manner of procedure, and the arbitration of the case by the Hague Court may be found necessary.

This turn in what at first threatened to be a very sharp conflict has given great relief and satisfaction everywhere, even in England, where anger at the

Russian naval officers was at first at white heat. The pacific arrangement of the affair is of incalculable importance in giving further strength to the principle of pacific settlement of disputes among the nations. The machinery provided by the Hague Conference has been given greater prestige, and the peace of the world may now be considered to be on a stronger and surer basis than ever before.

The two governments cannot be too highly praised for their self-restraint, good judgment and conciliatory spirit under the excitement and clamor of the moment. Their loyalty to their own recommendations in the

Hague Convention is most creditable to them. In the spirit in which they have acted, a full and satisfactory settlement of the case, honorable to both parties, will be easy after the facts have been impartially and judicially determined.

But in spite of this encouraging turn of the case, there are features of the episode which do not allow us to persuade ourselves that peace will just take care of itself hereafter. The manner in which masses of the English people, egged on, it seems, by some of the newspapers, went mad and would have plunged the nation headlong into a disastrous war without allowing time for investigation is most disheartening. The same storm of passion would probably have burst forth, under similar circumstances, in several

other countries. The mob spirit is, alas! all too widely prevalent among the so-called civilized peoples; and until this is uprooted and the spirit of self-restraint, patience and respect for law substituted for it, there can be no assurance that in sudden emergencies, like that of which we are speaking, war will be avoided. There is still an enormous educational task before the friends of peace and order in this direction.

Again, the episode reveals the far-reaching peril of any war which is allowed to break out in our time. This occurrence was a direct fruit of the war in the Far East. Others like it may occur before the war closes, as similar ones have already occurred in Oriental waters. It has often been remarked that, owing to the intimate commercial and other relations between modern nations, a war anywhere now is a war everywhere. All the nations feel it and suffer from it.

But this event reveals the peculiar danger in our day of a war actually extending its flames to other even remote parts of the globe. The war fleets of the naval powers are on all seas, mingling with the commercial and other fleets, and it ought to surprise no one that the fleet of a nation engaged in actual hostilities should, in trying to protect itself from sudden attacks of its enemy, fall into commission of acts fraught with grave danger to the general peace. This fact ought to make all the governments which have signed the Hague Convention more determined than they have yet shown themselves to prevent, by every means provided in that great instrument, war from breaking out between any two of them. If the other twenty powers which have ratified the Convention had joined in a solemn protest to Russia and Japan against their fighting, coupled with a serious. joint offer of their good offices, it is not probable that a single shot would ever have been fired in the region where hideous Slaughter now reigns. The time has come for this body of civilized powers to quit playing at mediation. It will be to their everlasting dishonor if they do not hereafter at least seriously attempt, with the whole weight of their joint action, under the solemn Convention into which they have entered, to prevent war anywhere within their circle.

Notes on the Peace Congress.

Of the 188 organizations which sent delegates to the Congress, 55 were distinctively peace and arbitration societies; 45 were churches, church clubs and ministerial unions; 34 were women's societies; 18 philanthropic and benevolent societies; 15 labor organizations; 4 boards of trade; 4 chambers of commerce; 1 state teachers' association; and 13 miscellaneous organizations. Fifty-seven of these organizations were from foreign countries, and 131 from the United States.

Daily religious services during the week of the Congress were held at 9 A. M. in the South Congregational

Church, corner of Exeter and Newbury Streets. These meetings were organized on the initiative of Dr. Edward Everett Hale, and were participated in by ministers and others from several different denominations. The services were each day under the leadership of a minister of a different religious body.

There were seventeen members and ex-members of European parliaments in the Congress. Ten of these were from Great Britain, two from Belgium, three from Italy, one from Sweden and one from Norway. All of these had attended the Conference of the Interparliamentary Union at St. Louis before coming to Boston. Two ex-members of the United States Congress were also members of the Congress.

All of the foreign delegates, of whom there were

nearly a hundred, who preferred entertainment in private homes, were given it, and they were all, so far as we have heard, warm in their praises of the generous hospitality offered them by citizens of Boston and vicinity.

A good deal of interest was aroused at the session of the Congress at which a distinguished citizen of Japan, an editor, now in New York City, and a Russian physician residing in Boston, rising above the hostile feelings at the present time animating their two countries, shook hands with each other upon the platform as fellow-men. It was pathetic but noble- infinitely more noble than the manner in which their compatriots are slaughtering each other in Manchuria by the tens of thousands.

The Stenographic Report of the proceedings of the Congress will be published at the earliest possible date.

There is a great mass of material to sift and edit, and the report, which will make from three to four hundred pages, cannot well be completed for two or three months. All those who wish copies will kindly send their names with the number of copies desired to the Secretary, 31 Beacon St., and a statement of how much they are willing to contribute towards the publication,

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