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But all took part with Quadros, except one lovely May,Except the king's fair daughter, none word for him would

say.

She took their hands, she led them forth into the court below;

She bade the ring be guarded,-she bade the trumpet blow; From lofty place for that stern race the signal she did throw:

“With_truth and right the Lord will fight,-together let them go!"

The one is up, the other down: the hunter's knife is bare;
It cuts the lace beneath his face,-it cuts through beard and

hair;

Right soon that knife hath quenched his life, the head is sundered sheer,

Then gladsome smiled the Avenging Childe, and fixed it on his spear.

But when the king beholds him bring that token of his

truth,

Nor scorn nor wrath his bosom hath: "Kneel down, thou noble youth,

Kneel down, kneel down, and kiss my crown,-I am no more thy foe,

My daughter now may pay the vow she plighted long ago!”

Ex. CLI-APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE OF FRANCE.

LAMARTINE.

THE first accusation against me is, that I have been ardent in ambition, weak in the exercise of power during the interregnum and dictatorship! I answer: The revolution of February took me by surprise, as it did every body. The republican system, the government of pure reason, was to me the ideal, more or less distant, of the right, the sovereignty of the people. It never was a conspiracy.

We marched to the Hotel de Ville, at the head of a column of the people. We were borne along under a canopy of sabers, pikes, and bayonets, into the halls stained with blood, and encumbered with the dead and the wounded, to a small table, at which the government was organized. At this

very hour commenced outside the conflict between the two republics, the one violent, sweeping, dictatorial, and terrorist, in language, in gesture, and in color; the other, moderate, pacific, legal, unanimous, and constitutional,-between the republic of your wishes, and that you would not have.

The first act of this terrorist republic, was to hang out its banner, whose color is the color of blood. During two days and two nights, armed men repeatedly inundated the square, the courts, the halls of the Hotel de Ville. They insisted upon our instantly giving to the republic the character, the attitude, the emblems of the first revolution. My colleagues and myself resisted at the perils of our lives. Twenty times, during those seventy-two hours, I was taken up, dragged, carried to the doors and windows, to the head of the staircase, into the courts and the square, to address men of another epoch, who so fallaciously interpreted the will of the people, and to hurl down these emblems of terrorism with which it was attempted to dishonor the republic. You must remember the last words which decided the victory in favor of the tri-colored flag; they were on the lips of my colleagues; I only was called upon to pronounce them:-"The red flag, citizens, which you present to us, has never been any where except round the Champ-de-Mars, trailed in the blood of the people; the flag which we wish to preserve to the republic, has made the tour of the world, with our bravery, our glory, and our liberties!" Was this the premeditated ambition of a post into which chance had thrown us, on the breach made in society? Was this weakness? Was this a compromise with terrorism? Decide! At the decree of the National Assembly appointing General Cavaignac dictator, we rejoiced, to remit the government into hands which would make an abusive use neither of laws nor of the sword.

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From this moment, citizens, again become a simple representative, I offered my services to General Cavaignac, as the chief who worthily represented the republic. "I am not," I said, on leaving him, one of those who take refuge in opposition, on falling from power, but of those who sustain the republican government in the hands of their successors as in their own. Count on me, to-morrow, as to-day."

My friend, General Negrier, was there, soliciting the order which was to send him to a glorious death. These were the last words he heard from me. Whilst I wept,—whilst the Archbishop of Paris went to offer his life to God, as a ransom

of peace, whilst so many generous victims,-generals, of ficers, soldiers, citizens, children of the Garde Mobile, went to be decimated by musketry,-calumny, already possessing itself of my name, accused me of complicity with those balls, all of which I could have desired to receive, in order to spare the blood of a single citizen, or a single soldier! Behold what revolutions are! Their greatest phenomena are not their crimes, but their errors! I accuse no one, because, when darkness is over the whole world, no one can be blamed for not seeing clearly. Citizens! behold the light! Recognize your friends. Those parties who have a passing resentment against the republic, try, before all things, to calumniate the moderate republicans; knowing full well that the republic can triumph only by moderation; that the soil of France will not be suffered to be parceled out by communism; that the soil of France will never allow the scaffold to remain erect upon it for a fortnight; that the soil of France would vomit forth the blood with which the plagiarists of the reign of terror might attempt to gorge it, seeking I know not what species of savage grandeur in excesses and crime, not knowing how to find it in measured and virtuous deeds! -These are the worst enemies of our republic; for the sole danger of the republic is its name, and the recollections of 1793, which these men are incessantly endeavoring to revive, while all true republicans, as we are, are as unremittedly doing all in our power to efface them. But 1793 was not the republic! It was the revolution. Are a few months only in our history to be allowed to calumniate for ever the reign of liberty amongst us? Is this blood destined to remain a stain upon us for ages! No! We will show to the world that we know at once how to conquer, and how to restrain the republic, that reign of all.

The republic inspired by Washington, shall triumph over the republic of Babœuf, Robespierre, and Danton! In other ages, other ideas, other thoughts, other men! This is the truth with regard to society. The choice you have made of your representatives in the National Assembly is a guaranty for the triumph of the popular and regular republic, as we understand it; it is the honesty of the people that you have sent, in them; the honesty of the people is its salvation! The National Assembly will save France. Our sole glory lies in having felt that. Attach yourselves more and more to the National Assembly. It is your own sovereignty, and is worthy of you. Only give it time. Impatience always does.

violence to good intentions. A government for ages is not to be instituted in three months.

Accept my adieus, citizens! Nominated ten times by you, as a signification, and not as a man, confounded henceforth in the ranks of simple representatives, descended from a power too high for my ambition, and desiring that I may never again ascend to it, forget me, but do not accuse me. Perhaps there was one day in which I merited your suffrages,— it was the day in which I sacrificed them to concord. For myself, I shall bear you in my memory, all the days of my public life. Every time that I shall cast into the urn a vote of good intent towards the people, of firmness against faction, of good for the country, for family, for property, for society, for conscience, I will say to myself, I am casting your vote with my own. I will say that two millions are voting, through me, for this unanimous republic, which, in your eyes as well as in mine, embraces the interests of all, legitimatized by the will of all, and defended by the hands of all, under the most free and enlightened of governments.

Ex. CLII.-THE PURITANS.

EDWIN P. WHIPPLE.

THE Puritans-there is a charm in that word which will never be lost on a New England ear. It is closely associated with all that is great in New England history. It is hallowed by a thousand memories of obstacles overthrown, of dangers nobly braved, of sufferings unshrinkingly borne, in the service of freedom and religion. It kindles at once the pride of ancestry, and inspires the deepest feelings of national veneration. It points to examples of valor in all its modes of manifestation -in the hall of debate, on the field of battle, before the tribunal of power, at the martyr's stake. It is a name which will never die out of New England hearts. Wherever virtue resists temptation, wherever men meet death for religion's sake, wherever the gilded baseness of the world stands abashed before conscientious principles, there will be the spirit of the Puritans. They have left deep and broad marks of their influence on human society. Their children, in all times, will rise rise up and call them blessed. A thousand witnesses of their courage, their industry, their sagacity, their invincible perseverance in welldoing, their love of free institutions, their respect for justice, their hatred of wrong, are all around us, and bear grateful evi

dence daily to their memory. We can not forget them, even if we had sufficient baseness to wish it. Every spot of New England earth has a story to tell of them; every cherished institution of New England society bears the print of their minds. The strongest element of New England character has been transmitted with their blood. So intense is our sense of affiliation with their nature, that we speak of them universally as our "fathers." And though their fame every where else were weighed down with calumny and hatred, though the principles for which they contended, and the noble deeds they performed, should become the scoff of sycophants and oppressors, and be blackened by the smooth falsehoods of the selfish and the cold, there never will be wanting hearts in New England to kindle at their virtues, nor tongues and pens to vindicate their name.

Ex. CLIII.-COMMERCE.

EDWARD EVERETT.

TRACE, for a moment, the history of commerce, from the earliest period. In the infancy of the world, its caravans, like gigantic silk-worms, went creeping through the arid wastes of Asia and Africa, and bound the human family together in those vast regions, as they bind it together now. Its colonial establishments scattered the Grecian culture all round the shores of the Mediterranean, and carried the adventurers of Tyre and Carthage to the North of Europe and the South of Africa. The walled cities of the middle ages prevented the arts and refinements of life from being trampled out of existence under the iron heel of the feudal powers. The Hanse towns were the bulwark of liberty and property in the North and West of Europe, for ages. The germ of the representative system sprang from the municipal franchises of the boroughs. At the revival of letters, the merchant princes of Florence received the fugitive arts of Greece into their stately palaces. The spirit of commercial adventure produced that movement in the fifteenth century which carried Columbus to America, and Vasco di Gama round the Cape of Good Hope. The deep foundations of the modern system of international law, were laid in the interests and rights of commerce, and the necessity of protecting them. Commerce sprinkled the treasures of the newly found Indies throughout the Western nations: it nerved the arm of civil and religious liberty in the Protestant world; it gradually carried the colonial system of Europe to the ends of the

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