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320 RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE CONSTITUTION.

clude all those who are below the landed aristocracy, and above such artizans and labourers as depend solely on manual labour for subsistence. Without entering into the existing political questions which spring out of the present distribution of political power in this country, we may usefully close these discussions with some examination into the details of how it is actually distributed; bearing in mind our original description of political and constitutional functions, as embracing magisterial and judicial duties, as well as relating to the great deliberative assembly of the nation.

CHAPTER XVII.

Present Population of England, and number of Parliamentary Electors.-Property and Education considered as elements of Representative System.-Qualification of Jurors.-Magistrates and Officers of various kinds, how appointed.-Local Self-government. -Municipal Reform.-Influence of Public Opinion.-Rights of Free Discussion and Liberty of Press.

THE total number of the human beings living in England and Wales at the time of the last census (March 31, 1851) was seventeen millions nine hundred and twentyseven thousand six hundred and nine. The total number of parliamentary electors who polled at the last general election (in 1852) was three hundred and forty-one thousand eight hundred and thirty.* The disparity seems to

* See for these and the following numbers the two valuable volumes lately published by the Census Commissioners, and a parliamentary return ordered by the House of Commons, No. 106, 1853.

One very valuable part of the results of the last census has not yet been made public. The Commissioners are to classify the population according to age, and according to their profes

sions, trades, and occupations. These statistics will be most useful for the political observer. There are some further details as to the number of electors, &c., given in the parliamentary return of this session that may be interesting to some of the readers of these pages. The number of county electors for England and Wales who polled at the last election was 116,153; the number on the

be enormous; but there are some other calculations to be attended to, which will diminish the surprise which it excites. In the first place, we must, according to the usual statistical rule, divide by four, in order to obtain the number of males of full age in the entire population. This would give, in round numbers, about four millions and a half Englishmen and Welshmen of full age. On the other hand, though only the small number that has been mentioned, actually polled, we must ascertain how many were entitled to vote at the last election,* and we shall find that the number of registered electors then was nine hundred and eighteen thousand six hundred and eightythree. As many of these had votes in more than one capacity or for more than one place, and consequently were counted over more than once in the aggregate of the registers, we must make some deduction from this number. Altogether we may perhaps safely estimate that rather more than one man in every five in England and Wales has a right to vote in the election of the representatives of the Commons Estate in the Lower House of Parliament.†

But the mere element of numbers (though of primary importance) can never be the sole one to be taken into

register was 507,754. These return 159 members. The number of borough electors who polled was 225,677; the number on the register was 410,929. These return 339 members.

*In a great number of counties and many boroughs there was no contest in 1852; so that the number of actual voters does

not even give a test of those who both possessed and valued the franchise.

+ The proportion was calculated to be one in five in 1839, according to the returns then furnished. See Macculloch's "Stat. Account of Brit. Empire," vol. ii. p. 105.

account when the distribution of the electoral franchise is considered. Intelligence and property must have their weight. The extension of education and the extension of the suffrage are topics inseparably united for consideration in a statesman's mind; and with respect to the claims of property there may be great difference of opinion as to the authority that should be given to it; but few deny that it should have some degree of influence in the electoral system.

With respect to education there are no complete statistics at present available to show the extent to which it is diffused or deficient among the various classes that make up the great bulk of the population. But there can be no doubt as to there being a fearful amount of ignorance and consequent debasement among very large numbers of our population. Much information on this subject is collected in Mr. Pashley's valuable work on Pauperism. That careful and accurate inquirer and sound and fair thinker describes the three millions of our population who (according to his calculations) require and actually receive parish relief in the course of every year, as "ignorant, degraded, and miserable;" and he truly states that they "indicate the existence of a still larger class to which they belong, which is but little, if at all, less ignorant, degraded, and miserable than themselves." Some of the instances which he cites of the depth of the ignorance that prevails among them, show it to be, as he terms it, "appalling."*

* No one can read without deep interest and sympathy the following passages, which concludes Mr. Pashley's first chapter:

"Now that 3,000,000 of our

population, belonging to an ignorant, degraded, and miserable pauper class, actually receive parish relief in the course of every year, and indicate the existence of a still larger class to

The melancholy extent of pauperism that still exists in the country is also a subject to be deeply considered by all who in any degree recognise property as part of the basis of a sound electoral system. The number has been already cited from Mr. Pashley of the recipients of parish relief at some time or another during the year. The figures are fearfully emphatic-3,000,000! The number constantly

which they belong, and which is but little, if at all, less ignorant, degraded, and miserable than themselves, it becomes high time not merely for Christian philanthropists, but for practical statesmen, to turn their attention to effecting some elevation and improvement in the condition and instruction of the great masses of the people. The ignorance in which those masses are left may be seen in some of Mr. Clay's valuable reports on the Preston House of Correction. The appalling ignorance of criminals is a proof, if proof be needed, of the total want of education of the whole class from which the bulk of criminals is supplied. In 1850, Mr. Clay says, 'With reference to 1636 male prisoners, it is a fact that 674 were unable to read in the slightest degree; 646 were ignorant of the Saviour's name, and unable to repeat a word of intelligible prayer; and 1111 were unable to name the months of the year in their proper order; while 713

were well acquainted with the exciting adventures and villanies of Turpin and Jack Sheppard, and admired them as friends and favourers of the poor, inasmuch as, if they did rob, they robbed the rich for the poor.'

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Sadly does the State neglect its duty when such is the intellectual, moral, and religious condition of a numerous class of its children. The Pagans of the ancient world admitted the existence of this duty; and it has been justly observed that 'the philosophers of antiquity well knew what an important part of man's work it was to educate the young to become worthy active members of their civil commonwealths. Hence education was ever a main element in their scheme of polity, whether practical or ideal.' But this duty we, who call ourselves Christians, and profess to follow the divine precept, 'Love one another,' entirely neglect to fulfil."

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