VII. CHAP. being chiefly English merchants, who never were in the West Indies, are unwilling" to fpeculate," as they fay," in new projects," of the practicability of which they are not competent judges. The independent planters, on the other hand, chiefly refide in England, committing their affairs in the Islands to the care of agents (there called " attornies") who being very often Guinea factors (or connected with such) furnish the eftates with imported flaves. The use of the plough would diminish the labour of flaves, prolong their lives, and, of course, leffen the demand for more. Add to this, that, by a law of Jamaica, "these agents or attornies" must be paid fix per cent. on the value of the produce, which is another reason for their not wishing to diminish the labour of flaves; although, if they were not interefted in the flave-trade, this commiffion would no doubt induce them to increase the produce by the plough. These attornies" appoint the overseers who refide on the plantations, and who generally lay out their falaries on new negroes, whom they nurse in their master's kitchens, and let out most profitably to hole" cane-land for "weak-handed" estates, at from £3 to £5 fterling the acre. It cannot therefore be expected that overseers, any more than their patrons, the attornies, will favour the plough, or any other mode of abridging the labour of flaves. In fact, the habits, the prejudices and, above all, the interests both of attornies and overseers are combined against the use of the plough. And fo powerfully do these motives operate, that, a very reRemarkable fpectable Jamaica planter ftated in evidence before his Majefty's Privy Council, that though, by means of the plough, without an additional flave, and without injuring the cattle which drew it, he nearly doubled his crop of fugar; yet, after he left the island, in 1785, he could not pre inftance of its fuccefs. 66 66 VII. vail on his overseer to continue the use of it*. But vulgar CHA P. prejudice, the efprit du corps, and even the interests of particular claffes of men, though difficult to be overcome, are not invincible: and, from what has already been done in the West Indies, particularly in Jamaica, Barbadoes, and Grenada, we have reason to expect, that a more rational and humane mode of culture, will at last take place of the wasteful and oppressive one, which hath hitherto unfortunately prevailed. by freemen. 139. In the East Indies, the fugar-cane is raised by free- In the Eaft Indies canes men, with the plough, in very great abundance. Mr. raifedwith it, William Fitzmaurice, who spent seventeen years in Jamaica, ten of them as a sugar-planter, and who lately went over to Bengal to settle a sugar estate, approves of their mode of tillage by the plough; though he disapproves of their method of manufacturing the sugart. But, near Batavia, the culture of the cane, with the plough, held by free people, and the manufacture, by a simple and natural division of labour, has been brought to the highest perfection by the Dutch and Chinese. Mr. Botham, who defcribes it, and who has managed fugar eftates in the West Indies, as well as in the East, gives a decided preference to the Batavian practice. At Bencoolen, he fuperintended a fugar estate, during the late war, on the fame plan, and with similar fuccefs. And, in Cochin China, we are affured by M. Le * See the evidence of John Afhley, Efq. formerly of Jamaica, now of Cookham, in the Privy Council's Report. This whole pernicious fyftem is explained at length by Mr. Long, in Vol. I. p. 189, 391, and Vol. II. p. 405, 406 and other pa ts of his Hiftory of Jamaica. See alto the evidence of Mr. Coor, Mr. Clappefon, Mr. Fitzmaurice, and Lieut. Davidfon, in Minutes of Evidence before the House of Commons. + See his printed letter to the Eaft India Directors. See Mr. B's evidence before the Privy Council, and the House of Commons. CHA P. Poivre, fugar is raifed, for a great part of the Empire of VII. China, by free labourers affifted by the plough*. Most other tropical arti raised with it. 140. I have dwelt the more particularly on this head, as cles may be I deem it of the utmost importance to every new colony in the tropical regions of Africa. I refer chiefly to the British fugar islands, because the evidence, taken by the British Privy Council and House of Commons, furnishes a body of information far more extensive than any that I have seen respecting the colonies of any other European state. And I have confined my obfervations entirely to the fugar cane; because, if it can be proved that the very laborious culture of that strong, fucculent plant can be, and actually is, carried on by means of the plough, it's utility in all, or almoft all, other kinds of tropical cultivation will scarcely be denied. Knowing, as I do by experience, that men cannot safely undergo the fame labour in hot as in cold or temperate climates, I cannot but be folicitous that the labour of cattle fhould be introduced, as early as poffible, into every new colony that may be formed in Africa. Without it, I am truly forry to predict, what every man, acquainted with the circumftances, must foresee, that the colonists, though free and protected from lawless violence, will foon fink into a state of degrading drudgery which will ruin their conftitutions, and, in truth, render them, in one material particular, as wretched as West Indian slaves. 141. On the contrary, let the founders of a new colony early provide fuch regulations, as will proportionably divide the labour between cattle, men, women, and young perfons, and all the lamentable confequences of it's unequal diftribution will be prevented. "For it has been comput * Obfervations fur les Arts en Afie, &c. p. 100. ed, ed, by political arithmeticians, that if every man and woman would work for four hours each day on fomething useful, that labour would produce fufficient to procure all the neceffaries and comforts of life: want and mifery would be banished out of the world, and the rest of the twenty four hours might be dedicated to leifure, pleasure, instruction or contemplation*." QUERIES. 142. To unfold the mysterious and complicated evils of monopoly and speculation, would require volumes, and I have room only for a few paragraphs. But fo interefting is the subject, that, in addition to what I have ventured to infert above (§ 116, et feq.) I cannot help fubmitting to deep and liberal thinkers, and to fuch only, the following queries.-They are neceffarily brief, and therefore, fome of them may appear ambiguous or obfcure. But brevity obliges readers to think; and I shall rejoice, if these queries give rise to a train of close thinking, in any one of thofe intelligent and candid minds, for whose confideration alone, (I repeat it) they, as well as the corresponding part of this chapter, are intended. N. B. By money, or coin, in the following queries, I beg leave to understand every thing that bears a ftamp of credit; confequently including not only fpecie, but every kind of paper-credit. I. In all communities, are there not two things, which have the most intimate connection with one another, viz. money and commodities? II. Are not commodities effential to the existence of every community, and is not money merely accidental: or in other VII. CHAP. words, Is it not practicable for a community to carry on it's business without money, but not without commodities? III. Ought not money therefore always to represent commodities, and the whole circulation of money to be in dependence on the production of commodities; but not on the contrary? IV. But do not commodities, at this day, represent money; and does not their production depend on the circulation of money? And is not money then a production INDEPENDENT of the production of commodities? V. May not this inversion arise from money having obtained an independent origin and circulation, uncontroled by the production of necessary and useful commodities? VI. Are not commodities become the means for getting rich in money? But ought not money to be the means for getting rich in commodities? VII. Is not the accumulation of money the chief end, at prefent, in every occupation, and commodities only the means? VIII. Cannot a community, as well as an individual, as things now ftand, circulate a greater or smaller stock of money independent of any production of commodities? IX. Can a producer of commodities, at this time, extend his circulation in any degree equal to a monied man? X. Is not money fooner turned than commodities, which can only be turned when worn out or confumed? XI. Does not the quick return of money give the monied man an undue advantage over the producer of commodities which cannot be turned fo quickly? XII. Are not knowing people, at this day, sooner induced to enter into money concerns, than into the production of commodities? |