The world is not in a tread-mill, struggling to keep its place, nor are the nations that move over the earth simply marking time in their efforts to advance. They are forward to some goal, and the rapidity of the movement for the last century, has outstripped the slow progress of the tardy ages that preceded it. There is a law to mutations, and the whole enginery of nature does not strike more orderly than the world of thought and human actions move about us. The difficulty is, we cannot occupy a removed point of view, and graduate and fix their motion. Blended, ourselves, in the action which carries every thing forward, that is to us chaos, which, to a distant observer would be order. We are compelled to look back over the surface of centuries to see whither the race is tending. The line of march and the rate of progress even then are difficult to distinguish. With the two thousand years since the Christian era commenced, for a scale, and whole centuries for degrees, the wisest head is puzzled to report definitely. Yet no one can doubt there is a law of progress working steadily and uniformly. It is equally true that not only every year, but every month, bears a part in the general movement, and were it possible to note distinctly these separate and short steps in our history, and settle as we go every inch we gain, our life would be fuller of excitement and interest, even, than it now is. But this we cannot expect, and the most that can be done is to jot down, on our passage through the year, such things as appear most prominent, which will serve as landmarks as we stand and review the past. We gather up the history of the months as they fly past us, and leave them as fragments for others

to use.

Since we took our last monthly view of the different nations, a revolution has been effected in Mexico, and a new government established in place of the old. This can effect but a partial repose, to be disturbed in turn by some new usurper. The South American Republics still present the aspect of nations in their elementary state. They will acquire no fixedness until some military despot rises among them with sufficient power and skill to concentrate around himself the divided energies that now clash against each other, or foreign nations interfere to preserve peace while knowledge can be disseminated among the masses. It is with pleasure we hail the first movement in this latter policy in the union of England, France and Brazil, to put an end to the atrocities perpetrated by the contending factions along the banks of the

Rio de la Plata. Rozas and Oribe have kept the Montevidean government in a state of constant alarm and suffering by the Guerilla war they have carried on, but we may now hope for a state of quietness that will enable that country to develop its vast resources and wheel steadily into the rank of commercial nations.

The last steamer brings nothing from England except the old news of general disquiet and agitation. The parliament opened on the 4th inst. which being the day the vessel sailed, the Queen's speech was not delivered in time to be received previous to its departure. The Archbishop of Canterbury has addressed a letter to those under his spiritual supervision, advising the suspension of all proceedings on controverted points respecting the rubrics, declaring that mutual confidence and harmony are more important than the things contended for. Repeal, in Ireland, has encountered a sudden check from a letter received from the Propaganda of Rome, by order of the Pope, admonishing all the ecclesiastics, especially those of Episcopal rank, to abstain from public meetings and dinners, and every thing which may " even lightly excite or agitate the flock committed to them." O'Connell is thunderstruck at this movement on the part of Rome, which threatens with one blow to prostrate his power. A delegation is to be appointed immediately, to lay the case before his Holiness. This movement was doubtless set on foot by the English government, and is a consummate stroke of policy, and unless O'Connell can check it at once, through the influence he can bring to bear on the Pope, his career is ended. If the Pope can be induced to cooperate with the English government in crushing the effort for repeal, the struggle of Ireland for liberty is over for the present. The sagacity and consummate skill with which England has contended against the spirit of republicanism, that for the last half century has been making such steady encroachment on her feudal system, show the wonderful foresight and knowledge of her statesmen. Anti Corn Law leagues, chartist conventions, petitions for suffrage, conspiracies against her exchequer and popular outbreaks, have all been met and struggled against with a decision and moderation exhibited by no other government. She pushes herself to the verge of civil war, and then retires as slow and deliberate as she can without producing an explosion. The violent excitement which a few years ago threatened to overtop every thing in its rapid increase, has subsided, but not perished. Suffering and restrict

ed rights lie at the bottom of it all, and the mighty feeling they send, wave-like, under the iron frame-work of the feudal system which is stretched over the masses, must sooner or later rend it asunder. England stands foremost in this struggle of the democratic principle against the tyranny that has so long held the world at its feet. To chronicle the progress of this spirit, is to us more important than all other things put together.

France seems now to be troubled most with the contest between the opposition and the existing minority. An effort is made to withdraw the present Cabinet on account of its alleged sympathy with England. The manner in which the Tahiti affair was settled, is the ground of this opposition, and the existence or dissolution of the present ministry, seems to be very nearly a question of peace or war with England. Guizot has announced that England has consented to appoint commissioners to meet those of France, to settle the question of the right of search. The paragraph in the king's speech relating fo the Tahiti affair, was proposed in the Chamber of Deputies, and, on a division, the ministry was found to have only the miserable majority of eight. On the announcement of this, Marshal Soult went to the king and tendered his resignation, which was refused. The power of the ministry is to be tested in the Chamber by the introduction of the secret service money bill; the result of which will doubtless seriously affect the present administration of France.

Spain presents no new aspect. Zurbano, the rebel chief, has been taken and shot. The Cortes of Portugal was opened on tho 2d of January, without any speech from the Queen, she being too sick to attend. The country is quiet, and the credit of the government is improving.

Italy presents many features of interest, but it is painful to witness the struggle of the revolutionary spirit in her despotic governments. The Liberty Party will, and can effect nothing, simply from its own rashness and want of harmony. The difficulty of overthowing these weak despotisms rests not in the strict police regulations so much as in the folly of the oppressed. In Naples, a constant beacon is before the conspirators in the person of Bozzelli, who is pining away his life in the castle of St. Elmo, merely for being mentioned by name, in a letter from one friend to another known to hold constitutional opinions.

Rome is at present agitated by the illness of the Pope. It is probably his last sickness, he being now in his 90th year. As soon as he is buried in state, the bench of Cardinals will be shut up on the Quirina till they agree by a majority of two thirds, on the two hundred and fifty-eighth suc

cessor of the great Apostle. The Cardinals dread this confinement, and there is a great deal of caucusing and electioneering beforehand among the different branches and friends of the princely families of Italy, in order to have the successful candidate taken from their number. Wearied with their long imprisonment, and finding it impossible to reconcile the clashing wishes of the different parties, they frequently, as a last resort, pitch on some unknown, old and feeble man, and elect him by common consent, each hoping that by the next election, circumstances will be more favorable to his friend's success. Thus, the present imbecile Pope was elected. The revenue of the Papal States is almost entirely eaten up by the expense of collecting, and the interest of the public debt. The latter is increasing, so that the credit of his Holiness is getting low in foreign markets, and we fear his successors will be in no more favorable position. The people are taxed to starvation, which in return reduces the value of property, and consequently the amount of revenue. Notwithstanding the vigilance of despotism in the different kingdoms of Italy, the principles of freedom begin to leak out through her literature Writers have learned wisdom from experience, and instead of boldly owning their principles and expiating their rashness in a dungeon, they attempt to secure their end in a more cautious and indirect way-by baffling the censors of the press, and forcing them to allow their works to circulate, or declare themselves unmitigated tyrants. Thus we find Botta's History has been recently published entire, in Lombardy, under the eye and with the sanction of the Austrian Government. The history of the struggle of the Thirteen States against the oppression of England, is now open to the Italian public. This single fact argues good in two ways-first, that Young Italy, will learn from our example, prudence and caution and harmony, in her attempts to rejuvenate Old Italy-and second, that the Government finds it no longer expedient to strangle literature and thought as it has hitherto done. The only kingdom in Italy where liberal principles are allowed to be discussed in any way, is Tuscany. The Duke is exceedingly popular, and were it not for Austria's iron mandate, would seek to establish a free constitutional government. The consequence is, the public mind is comparatively tranquil, and the elements of revolution are not to be found there, but in Naples, where the poor still remember Massaniello-in Bologna, where they talk of Orioli, still an exile in Corfu-and in Genoa, where they recall the days of Spinola. Thus poor Niccolini has found a refuge in Florence, who, in any other

kingdom of Italy, would have seen the deepest dungeon of a prison. His " Arnold of Brescia," was like a trumpet call to the Italians. It thundered against the oppression of Cesar and Peter in their unholy alliance, with a terror and truth that made the Vatican tremble. It was immediately prohibited throughout the entire peninsula. Tuscany was compelled to join in the prohibition-still, three thousand copies were sold in Florence in a few weeks, while the bold poet lives there in tranquillity, and has just finished and published an edition of his entire works, in three 8vo. volumes. Niccolini is an earnest minded and vehement patriot, though, like all of the "Liberty Party," holding narrow and contracted opinions in connection with his free principles, that injure their success. Still, he has a bold speech that finds a responsive echo in many an Italian heart. Thus, he makes Arnold say to Adrian :

"Tu t' inganni, Adrian Langue il terrore, Dei fulmini de Roma, e la ragione Scote la fasce che vorresti eterne."

Such language is more startling than the roar of rebel cannon, for it speaks to the mind and heart of a people, and to the conscience and fear of their oppressors Heaven be thanked that there is one city on the classic ground of Italy, where Niccolini can breathe without inhaling the air of a dungeon. He is now at work on the history of the House of Hohenstauffen, and threatens to let down Raumer a step or two from his eminence.

But perhaps the most remarkable thing in the present history of Italy, is the free circulation of a book called "Delle Speranze d'Italia," (the Hopes of Italy,) in the kingdom of Sardinia. Carlo Alberto, the present king of Sardinia, is the most unmitigated despot and complete villain among the crowned heads of Europe. Once enrolled among the conspirators for the restoration of Italy, he betrayed his confederates and gave a list of them to his father, and thus secured a more general massacre and proscription. Now he permits the

circulation of this work, the main design of which is to prove that the only hope of Italy is the expulsion of the Austrians. The writer has the right of it here, for Austria, by her garrison at Ferrara, overawes the Papal States and marches her soldiers down on the first rebel company that organizes itself, keeps Tuscany in subjection, and tramples on Lombardy. The only reason why this Carlo Alberto, this dark hearted and bloody tyrant favors this book, is that it recommends all Italy to be gathered under one prince, and him to be that prince. Balbo is the name of the author, a native of Piedmont. Young Italy has too keen a memory of this Carlo Alberto, whom even his Genoese subjects treat with disdain, to countenance any plan that proposes to place him at the head of their country's regeneration.

There is an association in Italy, called the "Scientific Association of Italy," which meets annually, and is doing much towards awakening a right spirit. They were first introduced by Charles Lucien Bonaparte, who is working, in perhaps the only safe way, to regenerate his adopted country. The annual meeting of this association or congress has been held at Milan and passed off rather coldly from the amount of Austrian feeling that governed it. Bonaparte, or the Prince di Čanino, as he is called, a man of extensive acquirements, and perhaps the best Zoologist of Europe, gave an address which was received with great applause, though some passages of it relating to free discussion were stricken out by the Censors of the Press before it was allowed to be printed. This association is divided into sections, embracing as many different departments of science The next meeting is to be held at Naples. The Pope would crush these associations to-morrow if he dared.

The son of Charles Lucien has the private papers of Joseph Bonaparte, which he cannot publish in five years. So we must wait for the revelations that Bonaparte will make of the times in which he lived. Sismondi's history of the Italian Republics cannot be found entire in the city of Genoa, so strict is the censorship of the press; and perhaps of all the petty despotisms of Italy, that of Sardinia is on the firmest foundation. Its police is almost perfect, while its standing army is large and well disciplined. Were it not for Genoa, which remembers the days of her republican glory, Carlo Alberto might sit down in peace on his traitor throne.

Every month brings us tidings of this struggling spirit in different parts of the old empire of the Cæsars. Crossing the Alps into the mountain home and cradle of liberty, we find a spirit in Swizerland, almost as ruinous as that of tyranny-the spirit of faction. The Catholic and Pro

testant Cantons are arrayed against each other as in former times. The laws that were made allowing freedom of worship to both sects are no longer able to maintain the quiet they created. The violence of feeling continually augments and the latest news informs us that Argovies is preparing to attack Lucerne. The council of Zurich (a Protestant canton) have resolved to send commissioners to Lucerne (a Catholic canton) to insist on their not receiving Jesuits, and to prevent the formation of a free corps by the citizens. At the same time it proclaimed a determination to resist with physical force all interference in its affairs by other cantons. Attempts are made in other parts of the country to form a new confederation, to be called "The Popular Helvetique Association." The Swiss Diet, which meets alternately at Zurich, Lucerne, and Berne, contains too many discordant elements to secure the peace of that country, which has lost its patriotism, morality, and honor together. The probability is, that nothing will arrest their civil dissensions, but the interference of foreign powers, and then the history of the country of Tell and Winkleried, as a separate nation, will be closed.

Austria and Prussia remain quiet by the force of governmental pressure. All the fires there burn under ground, but none the less fierce for that. Austria has had the wisdom to pardon the conspirators condemned in 1840. The fact that all the tyrannical governments of Europe find it expedient to pardon criminals, convicted of plottery against their existence, or commuting their punishment, exhibits a fear of exasperating the discontented, which argues a transfer of some of the power from the throne to the people. This silent admission of the danger of increasing the popular dislike, is more significant than it at first sight seems to be. This hesitating to strike, yet fearing not to strike, takes away the oppressor's strongest weapon

terror.

Poor Poland is no longer treated as a nation, yet Russia finds national feeling still too much alive. A Polish lady who has had the presumption to paint two pieces descriptive of the Polish Peasantry,

in

one of which is a mother with two children, and in the other an aged couple with three children-standing amid the smoking fragments of their burned huts, is watched for by the police. These pictures are supposed to have some political reference to contain some latent rebellion, and so the lady-painter bids fair to become acquainted with a prison. What a comment on the Russian government.

Germany is still expending her energies in science and literature-her great men studying every land under heaven but their own, and working out every problem but

that of their country's regeneration. Suffering under oppression, rent by religious differences, Germany presents the aspect of a nation of thinkers intent on everything but their own emancipation from slavery. Morse's Telegraph has of course attracted the attention of her scientific men, and, strange to say, the honor of its invention is transferred from this country to Germany. Experiments, and successful ones, are declared to have been made in this mode of conveying intelligence, and proof downright is supposed to be furnished that Mr. Morse has no claim to originality. It would be impossible in our limits to give a fair statement of their argument and evidence, but they are, in our mind, insufficient to affect the fame of Mr. Morse. Music has undergone a revolution since the days of Handel, and is now studied, both in Germany and Belgium, with a zeal from which we ought to hope great results. But the difficulty is, music is now a more marketable commodity than formerly, and the great effort seems to be to feed the passion for novelty. In instrumental music, Germany excels all other nations. The artist life there is surrounded by an atmosphere favorable to its highest cultivation. The combination of fancy, learning, taste, and feeling, is more perfect in the "Fatherland" than in Italy or France. Spohr stands at the head of modern composers. Robert Schumann is rapidly gaining a reputation as a quartette composer. Wagner, at the head of the opera at Dresden, seems wavering in his sudden fame. In his new opera of Rienzi, a chorus is sung by men on horseback, which of course is sure to win transient applause. Albert Sortzing is succeeding in the comic style, and, like Wagner, composes his own libretto, which gives him great advantage in consulting the effect of movement. We cannot give even the list of the new works, that have lately appeared in this nation of authors, on philosophy, astronomy, natural history, philology, belles lettres, and the fine arts.

Russia, the great despotism that is daily strengthening in its feudal system while the other countries of Europe are weakening on their ancient foundation, is pressing down by her power on the south, like an Alpine glacier slowly settling into the valley below. The Cossacks wage a desperate war, but it is the wild struggle of savage life against the slow and steady and resistless encroachments of civilization. Webster's speeches printed in Russian, are read at St. Petersburg with interest, by her great political men, as fine specimens of argumentation and oratory.

The East has nothing new. Turkey exhibits occasional life in her efforts to keep in subjection the Druses and other tribes forming the eastern boundary of her dominions.

WE had determined to say nothing of the dead Administration. We had wished that so weak and wicked a career should pass at once and utterly into oblivion, and the nation forget that they had ever made so sad an experiment of being governed by Chance. Forever to bury its memory-this, we felt, would be most desirable to all; for as very few were found to follow it to the grave, so none, we were persuaded, could wish hereafter to know its ghost.

But an Olympiad of guilt and folly is not so easily forgotten. An entire people betrayed, befooled and insulted, for a period of four years, cannot fail to carry with them a bitter remembrance. It can be none the less bitter and abiding, that a universal and profound contempt has long taken the place of indignation; since men had far rather be angry with their government, than blush for it. In view, therefore, of this--that the faith, so sacredly and deeply pledged to the strong necessities of the country, was summarily broken, like a rotten staff; that the great measures of relief for which the People had so sternly struggled, were by him-a leader!-contemptuously snatched from their victorious hands; that all the cherished principles, by proclaiming which he had alone dared to creep into a position to stumble upon power, were one by one blown away, like words spoken upon the wind; that rapidly, beyond all precedent, the floodgates of corruption were thrown open-the Curule Chair surrounded by unblushing claimants for offices not yet empty, quick credence given to every tale that could please the Ro

man's' ear, men thrust from their seats without fault, to make room for others that came without merit, and power and place everywhere bought and sold, openly, as money in the Jewish Temple ;that his own provident cupidity, meanwhile, grew rich from sales, and contracts, and other public services; thatworse than this-the ancient dignity of the Commonwealth was constantly and recklessly violated, and the lustre of the national name began to sully, so that no citizen of this Republic could for years, at home or abroad, speak of its Chief Ruler without a feeling of shame; and-more than all-that he dared to encroach upon the sacred Constitution, and paid his hollow court to a hollow party, only less unprincipled than himself - grasping idly at still larger power, like an infant for added baubles which it has not skill to hold :-in view of these things, and remembering that no keeping of silence can avail to blot them from the Records of History, it seemed well not to appear to other nations and other times insensible, at least, to our disgrace—and with hasty justice, as the public career of this man closed-how differently from its beginning!-we sat down with an indignant pen, and this line from the Great Dramatist before us

"We are peremptory to destroy this traitorous viper."

But while our pen yet lingered on the bitter words of our motto, still another We were struck mood came over us. with profound sorrow, that any man