"We shall meet at Philippi [i. e., the House | drawing-room unobserved. He was a notaof Commons], where I will seize the first bility of the first water, a spirit of the age, a. opportunity of inflicting castigation for the genius of the epoch, and his cry was still insults you have lavished on me ;' a pledge,The world's mine oyster, which I with by the way, which he never attempted to tongue or pen will open." redeem. He addressed another letter to Mr. In 1835, he published his "Vindication Morgan O'Connell, in which he expresses a of the English Constitution," addressed to hope that the father had been so insulted as Lord Lyndhurst, the professed object of to render it incumbent on some member of which is to portray the whigs as a narrowthe family to vindicate its outraged honor. minded and selfish oligarchy, and to exalt the "The sons of O'Connell, however," observes tories as the only trustworthy aspirants to Mr. Francis, "looked on the matter as purely political power. Borrowing largely from the ridiculous; and they only published the cor- brilliant, specious, and thoroughly unprinrespondence in the papers. The public were cipled Bolingbroke, Mr. Disraeli labored to much of the same opinion. They indulged prove that his new friends had merited the in a good hearty laugh at the Cambyses' vein confidence of their countrymen by doing the of the would-be champion of Conservatism. very opposite of what had been expected His political inconsistency was ascribed to from them. For example, an infirmity of judgment almost amounting to craziness. The extreme rashness and in

judicious haste of Mr. Disraeli to achieve greatness had excited strong prejudices against

him."

However irresistible may be the social power of the tory party, their political power, since by a series of democratic meesures of the greatest 1831, has only been preserved and maintained importance and most comprehensive character. Mr. Francis adds that his hero "had, per- No sooner was the passing of the whig Reform haps, never stood lower in public esteem than Act inevitable, than the tories introduced a at this time." But he never cared about clause into it which added many thousand mempublic esteem. Dr. Johnson has remarked, bers to the estate of the Commons. No sooner that there are persons so besotted with the was the whig Reform Act passed, and circumlove of notoriety that they will roll in a stances had proved that with all their machinagutter rather than not be looked at or talked tions, the oligarchy was not yet secure, than the about. Mr. Disraeli is, or was, a striking whigs, under the pretence of reforming the corspecimen of this class. The quod monstrer porations, attempted to compensate themselves for the democratic increase of the third estate, digito prætereuntium was his master passion, through the Chandos clause, by the political deand, when he had no other means of gratify-struction of all the freemen of England; but the ing it, he would stoop to make people stare tories again stepped in to the rescue of the nation by the extravagance of his dress and demeanor, from the oligarchy, and now preserved the rights or by the calculated display of a half-genuine of eighty thousand members of the third estate. and half-simulated self-conceit. He was profoundly indifferent as to the unfavorable impression left on quiet and rational people. If he had made them stare, he had achieved the distinction for which he panted, and which he proposed to turn to account in some way. He had carefully studied the weak side of human nature, and he knew that the multitude were carried away in their own

And not content with adding many thousands to
its numbers, and preserving eighty thousand,
the tories, ever since the passing of the oligarch-
ical Reform Act of the whigs, have organized
societies throughout the country for the great
democratic purpose of increasing to the utmost
possible extent the numbers of the third estate
of the realm. The clause of Lord Chandos, your
lordship's triumphant defence of the freemen of

England, and the last registration, are three
great democratic movements, and quite in keep-
Toryism. (P. 202.)
ing with the original and genuine character of

despite by the habitual assumption of superiority. A blot is not a blot till it is hit; and a failure is not a failure till it is acknowledged. The Spartan boy would be no bad model for a political adventurer. It is surprising, too, In a preceding passage he had stated that how frequently, "in erring reason's spite,' "Toryism must occasionally represent and rewe accept people at their own valuation if flect the passions and prejudices of the nation, they stick to it. The world did not despair as well as its purer energies, and its more enof Mr. Disraeli, because he did not despair larged and philosophic views." No one will of himself; and, although he had lost stake deny that it diligently discharged this portion after stake, and the odds were desperately of its functions under the auspices of Lord against him, he was not yet reduced to the Derby, and we can now guess "the reason condition of the ruined gamester who has why" the chivalrous premier consented to nothing left wherewith to stand again the take his policy from the country why Mr. hazard of the die. He had youth, health, Walpole proposes to bestow the elective frantalent, and the reputation which might almost chise, with such unprecedented liberality, on pass muster for fame. The author of "Vivian militia men- why Mr. Disraeli was eager Grey" would never again enter a London to recognize the "political rights of labor"

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and why the Irish tenant leaguers were grati- | his line, the future rival of Pitt and Fox refied by a thinly disguised concession to social-plied, after leaning his head upon his hand for ist principles. These were great "democratic a few moments I have it in me, and by movements, and quite in keeping with the Git shall come out." This was the inorignal and genuine character of Toryism". stinctive consciousness of latent power; and particularly if it "must occasionally repre- in the same category of sayings may be ranged sent the passions and prejudices of the na- Nelson's, when, finding his name omitted in tion." But, then, if Toryism be identical with the despatches, he exclaimed, "Never mind; Derbyism, why did Lord Derby undertake to some time or other I will have a Gazette to encounter and vanquish this same "democ-myself." But Mr. Disraeli's threat, vow, or racy," which (so says his Caucasian friend) it is the especial vocation of Toryism to strengthen and develop? Here we own ourselves at fault, and the only solution of the problem we can suggest is, that he proposed to control the democratic tendencies of the nation- -as St. Evremond tells us he conquered his passions by indulging them; or that the ex-premier acted on the drunkard's maxim of a hair of the dog that hit you;" or that his lordship had been studying the doctrine of the homoeopathists, who maintain that a disease is most effectually cured by drugs which would have created it, had it not preexisted in the constitution of the patient. But, this, at least, we will make bold to predicate, that, if the principles of parliamentary reform advocated by this journal be fairly compared with Mr. Disraeli's and Mr. Walpole's, no impartial arbitrators will hesitate to say that we have a far better title than they, or those whom they represent, to the disputed designation of "Conservative."

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In your chivalry alone is our hope. Clad in the panoply of your splendid talents and your spotless character, we feel assured that you will subdue this unnatural and unnational monster

and that we may yet see sedition, and treason, and rapine, rampant as they may have of late figured, quail before your power and prowess. (P. 36.)

;

promise was simply one of his characterisic ebullitions of assurance; for we will answer for it, that he never began anything yet, without proclaiming that he should succeed. Every one knows the boastful predictions which he put forth from time to time touching his Budget and the certain duration of the Derbyite government, and the unhesitating confidence which his credulous friends reposed in them until the bubble burst. Moreover, there is nothing particularly remarkable in the intuitive conviction of a very clever man that he should eventually compel attention from the House of Commons. The chief singularity consisted in the unabashed utterance of such an expectation at such a moment; of which, we fully admit, very few embryo orators would be found capable. Charles Fox failed repeatedly during his first session, but it is not recorded that he concluded any one of his unsuccessful efforts with a vow of future excellence.

It also strikes us that, when undue stress is laid on this memorable incident in Mr. Disraeli's life, his admirers are apt to lose sight of the time he took, and the means he used, to verify the prediction. The House, having had its laugh, was rather favorably disposed than otherwise to give him fair play the next time he rose; but, although he frequently trespassed on its patience between 1837 and the downfall of the whig ministry in 1841, his talents for debate were not appreciated; and he did not acquire what is called the ear of the House," without first resorting to adventitious aid, and then appealing to the passions and prejudices of its least cultivated members. The adventitious

aid in question was that of "Young England;" the passions and prejudices to which we allude were those of the late protectionists.

When the "Young England" party were In 1837, Mr. Disraeli obtained the long- in the zenith of their shortlived celebrity, we coveted object of his ambition. He was endeavored to form an accurate estimate of elected member for Maidstone. The effect of their alleged vocation, their merits, and their his maiden speech in the House of Commons pretensions. Declining to concede to them is well known. It was cut short by an irre- the full measure of intellectual preeminence pressible burst of laughter, and he concluded which they arrogated, we gave them ample with the memorable words: "I have begun credit for generous aspirations, and for energy several times many things, and I have often and capacity enough to develop and reduce succeeded at last. I shall sit down now, but into definite shape their somewhat dreamy the time will come when you will hear me.' "schemes for the regeneration of society. We When Woodfall told Sheridan, after hearing saw, or thought we saw, the germs of future his maiden effort, that public speaking was not excellence in the best of their juvenile pro

ductions; and we still think that they exer- enough in the Liberal direction. So long as cised a wholesome influence on their imme- they acted in concert, they were the avowed diate contemporaries, by freshening and champions of commercial and religious liberty. elevating the tone of political discussions, as Why then did Mr. Disraeli support and apwell as by suggesting some new and useful plaud this illustrious statesman when he astrains of sentiment and thought. "It is not sumed the reins of power for the supposed always necessary," observes Goethe, "for purpose of upholding "Protection," and of truth to embody itself; enough if it float carrying out the traditional doctrines of Toryspiritually about and induce agreement if, ism, yet labor unceasingly to undermine his like the deep, friendly sound of a bell, it undu- influence from the time when he manifested lates through the air." But, on the whole, a growing predilection for Free Trade, and we must admit that experience has shown the become his bitterest enemy when he finally vanity of our more flattering anticipations; abandoned the Corn Laws as hopelessly indefor "Young England" has literally left noth-fensible? We shall endeavor to throw light ing by which its corporate or collective exist- on these points by a few extracts from "Conence can be demonstrated to the satisfaction ingsby," which appeared in 1844, and was of an inquisitive posterity, except the recol- loudly heralded by the author's disciples as lection of its having been Mr. Disraeli's first an authentic exposition of their creed. stepping-stone to fame. The enthusiastic support of a select band of young admirers gained for him the vantage-ground, for which, insulated and singlehanded, or confounded with the crowd, he had long battled fruitlessly. It was as their Coryphæus that, two years at least before the grand schism of 1846, he began to show signs of marked hostility towards the late Sir Robert Peel; who had been the constant object of the rising rhetorician's exalted eulogy until all rational hope of preferment was at an end.

It is well known that, on the formation of the Conservative Ministry in 1841, Mr. Disraeli considered himself quite sure of office, and was exceedingly surprised at finding that Her Majesty had no need of his services. The truth is, the ludicrous passages of his erratic career were still too freshly remembered, and the austere virtue of the minister prevented him from closing with a recruit of wavering principles and questionable reputation, whose enmity, if the bare notion of such a thing had flitted across his mind at that time, he would have despised. It must remain, therefore, an unsolved problem whether the secretaryship of the Admiralty, or a government appointment of inferior responsibility, opportunely offered, would not have effected a most important change in our parliamentary history for the last six years. At all events the strongest presumptive evidence may be adduced to show that Mr. Disraeli was actuated by private and personal motives when he first, with his small band, occupied a position a little in front of the main body of Conservatives, and manœuvred in such a manner as to cause no inconsiderable annoyance to their then honored and revered chief. We can understand why the Duke of Buckingham left the cabinet a few months after he became a member of it, and why other consistent Protectionists were sorely shaken in their allegiance by the New Tariff;" but the "Young England" primary ground of quarrel with Sir Robert Peel was that he did not go far or fast

In the preface to the popular edition of 1849, the author claims for it a degree of authority which it could not be expected to command as a mere novel. "It was not," he says, "originally the intention of the writer to adopt the form of fiction as the instrument to scatter his suggestions; but after reflection, he resolved to avail himself of a method which, in the temper of the times, offered the best chance of influencing opinion.' He had another obvious reason for choosing this form of composition. It afforded him increased facilities for gratifying his personal animosities with comparative impunity. It has been objected to the anonymous system of English journalism, that it gives undue scope to personal spite; so that no one can tell whether he may not have made a dangerous enemy by a remark carelessly let drop in the unguarded hours of convivial intercourse. No one, however, has serious cause to dread a newspaper attack, unless he invites criticism by coming voluntarily before the public in some shape. But there is no escaping the novelist, who conceives himself licensed to introduce portraits, sketches, and caricatures under the transparent veil of a pseudonym; for, even if the predestined victim should happen to be obscure and unassuming, he or she may be ingeniously brought in as a specimen of mock modesty and real insignificance. We need hardly add that this practice is diametrically opposed to the true principles and appropriate objects of art; which may be one reason why some of our cleverest female novelists have hitherto tried in vain to match the exquisite pictures of social life bequeathed to us by the Burneys and Austens. Amongst writers of fiction pretending to respectability, Mr. Disraeli has been by much the worst offender in this line. Indeed, we should be puzzled to name a single natural and probable character of his drawing, which is not a servile copy from some living original; and he seems to have lost, if he ever possessed, the Shakspear-like genius for generalization or

creation, by the ruinous habit of rejecting the poetic ideal for the prosaic real-much as he is supposed to have forfeited the power of convincing the reason of a cultivated audience, by perseveringly acting on the hypothesis that the only effective mode of operating on popular assemblies is to amuse, excite, or mystify them. This glaring defect, however, by no means diminishes the value of his romances when considered as records of his passing opinions on men and things, and it is solely as indications of these that we now beg leave to call attention to the following passages from "Coningsby." We have already seen that the ends of Toryism must be attained by democratic measures. Let us now ascertain what the conservative chief understands by Conservatism. The birth of "Conservatism" is described in terms which

would justify a doubt whether it was in any respect an improvement on old-fashioned trueblue Toryism:

No one had arisen, either in Parliament, or the Universities, or the Press, to lead the public mind to the investigation of principles; and not to mistake, in their reformations, the corruption of practice for fundamental ideas. It was this perplexed, ill-formed, jaded, shallow generation, repeating cries which they did not comprehend, and wearied with the endless ebullitions of their own barren conceit, that Sir Robert Peel was summoned to govern. It was from such mate

rials, ample in quantity, but in all spiritual qualities most deficient; with great numbers, largely acred, consoled up to their chins, but without knowledge, genius, thought, truth, or faith, that Sir Robert Peel was to form a "great Conservative party on a comprehensive basis.”

So much for the materials; now for the manufactured commodity:

And now, after all, in 1841, it seemed that Taper was right. There was a great clamor in every quarter, and the clamor was against the whigs and in favor, of conservative principles. What Canadian timber-merchants meant by conservative principles, it is not difficult to conjecclear on the hustings what squires and farmers ture; or West India planters. It was tolerably and their followers meant by conservative principles. What they mean by conservative principles now is another question; and whether conservative principles mean something higher than the perpetuation of fiscal arrangements, some of them very impolitic, none of them very important. But no matter what different bodies of men understood by the cry in which they all joined, the cry existed; Taper beat Tadpole ; and the great conservative party beat the shattered and exhausted whigs. (P. 457.)

In connexion with this

branch of the sub

ject, we must not forget to mention that on the 10th of May, 1842, Mr. Disraeli delivered a carefully prepared speech on the Tariff, in which he expatiated on the "great and beneficial influence of Mr. Huskisson," and tried to prove that all eminent tories, from Pitt to Peel inclusive, had been the champions of Free Trade.

The opinions on ecclesiastical matters, and on the delicate question of the relation of the Church to the State, professed by Mr. Disraeli during his "Young England" days, were an exaggerated form of what is popularly termed Puseyism." They were thus developed in Coningsby":

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connexion between State and Church? Every What can be more anomalous than the present condition on which it was originally consented to has been cancelled. That original alliance was, in my view, an equal calamity for the Nation and the Church; but, at least, it was an Conservatism was an attempt to carry on af- intelligible compact. Parliament, then consistfairs by substituting the fulfilment of the duties ing only of members of the Established Church, of office for the performance of the functions of was, on ecclesiastical matters, a lay synod, and government; and to maintain this negative sys- might, in some points of view, be esteemed a tem by the mere influence of property, reputable necessary portion of Church government. But private conduct, and what are called good con- you have effaced this exclusive character of Parnexions. Conservatism discards Prescription, liament; you have determined that a communion shrinks from Principle, disavows Progress; hav- with the Established Church shall no longer be ing rejected all respect for Antiquity, it offers no part of the qualification for sitting in the House redress for the Present, and makes no prepara-of Commons. There is no reason, as far as the tion for the Future. It is obvious, that for a time under favorable circumstances, such a confederation might succeed; but it is equally clear, that on the arrival of one of those critical conjunctures that will periodically occur in all States, and which such an impassioned system is even calculated ultimately to create, all power of resistance will be wanting; the barren curse of political infidelity will paralyze all action; and the Conservative Constitution will be discovered to be a Caput Mortuum. (P. 98.)

The attempt to identify the Conservative cause with Protection" is thus keenly satirized:

constitution avails, why every member of the House of Commons should not be a dissenter. But the whole power of the country is concentrated in the House of Commons. The House of Commons virtually appoints the bishops. A sectarian assembly appoints the bishops of the Established Church. They may appoint twenty Hoadleys. (Pp. 251–253.)

Divorce the Church from the State, and the spiritual power that struggled against the brute force of the dark ages, against tyrannical monarchs and barbarous barons, will struggle again in opposition to influences of a different form, but of a similar tendency; equally selfish, equally insensible, equally barbarizing. The priests of