Clifford said, he knew how many enemies he must needs make to himself, by his Speech in the house of lords: but he hoped, that, in it, he both served and pleased the king; and was therefore the less concerned in every thing else: but he was surprized to find by the duke, that the king was now of another mind. The king was in some confusion: he owned all he said was right in itself; but he said, that he, who had sat so long in the h. of commons, should have considered better what they would bear, and what the necessity of his affairs required. Lord Clifford, in his first heat, was inclined to have laid down his staff, and to have expostulated roundly with the king: but a cooler thought stopped him. He reckoned he must now retire; and, therefore, he had a mind to take some care of his family in the way of doing it so he restrained himself, and said he was sorry, that his best-meant services were so ill understood. Soon after this, letters came from the French king, pressing the king to do all that was necessary to procure money of the parliament; since he could not bear the charge of the war alone. He also wrote to the duke and excused the advice he gave, upon the necessity of affairs; but promised faithfully, to espouse his concerns, as soon as he got out of the war; and that he would never be easy, till he recovered that which he was now forced to let go."

Address of both Houses against the Growth of Popery. March 7. Both houses agreed to the following Address to his majesty:

pleased, that the lord chancellor of England shall, on or before the 25th of March iust. issue out commissions of Dedimus l'otestatem to the Judge Advocate and Commissaries of the Musters, and such other persons as he shall think fit (not being officers commanding soldiers, to tender the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to all officers and soldiers now in your majesty's service and pay; and that such as refuse the said oaths may be immediately disbanded, and not allowed or continued in any pay or pension; and that the chancellor shall require due returns to be made thereof within some convenient time after the issuing out of the said commissions. 3. That the said Commissaries of the Musters be commanded and enjoined, by your majesty's warrant, upon the penalty of losing their places, not to per mit any officer to be, mustered in the service and pay of your majesty, till he shall have taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy; and received the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper according to the laws and usage of the Church of England; and that every soldier serving at land shall take the said Oaths before his first muster, and receive the Sacrament in such manner before his second muster.-And this we present in all dutifulness to your majesty's princely wisdom and consideration, as the best means for the satisfying and composing the minds of your loyal subjects; humbly desiring your maj. graciously to accept of this our petition as proceeding from hearts and affections entirely devoted to your inajesty's service, and to give it your royal approbation."

The King's Speech to both Houses.] March 8. This day the king went to the house of lords, and, sending for the commons, made the fol lowing Speech:

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"Most gracious sovereign; We, your majesty's most loyal subjects, the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present parliament assembled, being very sensible of the great dangers and mischiefs that may arise within this your majesty's realm, by the in- My lords and gentlemen; Yesterday you crease of Popish Recusants amongst us; and presented me an Address, as the best means considering the great resort of Priests and Je- for the satisfying and composing the minds of suits into this kingdom, who daily endeavour to my subjects; to which I freely and readily seduce your majesty's subjects from their reli- agreed and I shall take care to see it pergion and allegiance; and how desirous your formed accordingly. I hope, on the other loyal subjects are, that no Popish Recusants side, you, gentlemen of the h. of commons, be admitted into employments of trust and will do your part; for I must put you in mind, profit, and especially into military commands it is near 5 weeks since I demanded a Supply; over the forces now in your majesty's service; and what you voted unanimously upon it, did and having a tender regard to the preservation both give life to my affairs at home, and disof your majesty's person, and the peace and heartened my enemies abroad: but the seeming tranquillity of this kingdom, do in all humility delay it hath met withal since, hath made desire: 1. That your maj. would be pleased to them take new courage; and they are now issue out your royal Proclamation, to command preparing for this next summer a greater fleet all Priests and Jesuits (other than such as, not (as they say) than ever they had yet; so that. being natural-born subjects to your majesty, if the Supply Le not very speedily dispatched, are obliged to attend upon your royal consort it will be altogether ineffectual; and the safety, the queen) to depart within 30 days out of this honour, and interest of England, must of ne your majesty's kingdom; and that if any Priest cessity be exposed. Pray lay this to heart; or Jesuit shall happen to be taken in England and let not the fears and jealousies of some after the expiration of the said time, that the draw an inevitable ruin upon us all-My laws be put in due execution against them; Lords and Gentlemen; If there be any Scruple and that your maj. would please, iu the said remain with you concerning the Suspension of Proclamation, to command all judges, justices Penal Laws, I here faithfully promise you, of the peace, mayors, bailiffs, and other off- that what hath been done in that particular cers, to put the said laws in exccution accord-shall not for the future be drawn either into ingly. 2. That your maj. would likewise be consequence or example; and as I daily ea

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for securing of general fears, is brought up to
you from the house of commons, the great re-
presentative of the people, and consequently
the best judges of the true temper of the na-
tion: A house of commons surpassing all that
ever have been, in the illustrious marks of their
duty, loyalty and affection to the sovereign,
both in his person and government; such a
house of commons as his majesty ought to con-
sider, and cherish always, with such a kind of
love as is due to a wife, never to be parted
with unkindly, and not as a mistress to be
turned off when our turn is served by her.
My Lords, this casual mention of a wife, suggests
to my thoughts a pursuance of the comparison.
I have observed in the course of my life, that men
who have wives somewhat coquets, that is a little
subject to gallantries, live easier lives with
them, and freer from troublesome contentions,
than those who have wives of exact rigid virtue;
and the reason is clear: for the more game-
some ladies being conscious of the failings in
that essential part, are careful to disguise, and
repair them by kind and tender compliances
with their husband's humour in all other things;
whereas wives severely punctual and exact in
the chief matrimonial duty, expect and even
exact far greater compliances from their hus-
bands, and think themselves as it were privi-
leged by the rigidness of their virtue to be
sometimes troublesome in domestic affairs;
especially if there be any jealousy in the
case. In like manner, my lords, it is not to
be much wondered at, if this incomparable
house of commons, transcending all that ever
were in the grand essentials of duty, loyalty,
and affection to their king, should at some-
times be a little troublesome to him in lesser
occurrences; especially when once fears and
jealousies are on wing. My lords, I shall not
pretend to determine whether there have been
any just grounds given by any violent men, or
by the unseasonable ambition of any Roman
Catholics for such fears, and jealousies; it
suffices to exact the necessity of a timely re-
medy, since they have indeed most violently
seized, and distempered the minds of the
major part of his majesty's Protestant sub-
jects, which certainly no man conversant in
the world can deny. Now, my lords, in popu-
lar fears and apprehensions, those usually prove
most dangerous that are raised upon grounds
not well understood, and may rightly be re-
sembled to the fatal effects of panic fears in
armies, where I have seldom seen great dis-
order arise from intelligences brought in by
parties and scouts, or by advertisements to
generals; but from alarms upon groundless
and capricious fears of danger, taken up we
know not either how, or why: This no man of
moderate experience in military affairs but
hath found the dangerous effects of one time
or other, in giving a stop to which mischiefs the
skill of great commanders is best seen. In like
manner, iny lords, this great and judicious as-
sembly of the b. of commons, rightly sensible
of the dangerous effects which so general a

disturbance of mens minds in the concernments
of Religion (how groundless soever) might pro-
duce, have applied their care to obviate them
by this Bill: A bill, in my opinion, as full of
moderation towards Catholicks, as of prudence,
and security towards the religion of the state.
In this bill, my lords, notwithstanding all the
alarms of the Encrease of Popery, and De-
signs of Papists, here is no mention of barring
them from private, and modest exercise of
their religion; no banishing them to such a
distance from court, no putting in execution
of penal laws in force against them; all their
precautions are reduced to this one intent, na-
tural to all societies of men, of hindering a
lesser opposite party from growing too strong
for the greater and more considerable one:
And in this just way of prevention, is not the
moderation of the house of commons to be ad-
mired, that they have restrained it to this sole
point, of debarring their adversaries from Offi-
ces and Places, and from accessions of wealth
by favour of the sovereign? And after all, my
lords, how few do these sharp trials, and Tests
of this act regard? only a few such Roman Ca-
tholics as would fain hold offices, and places at
the price of hypocrisy, and dissimulation of
their true sentiments in religion. My lords, I
am none of those, none of those wherry men in
religion, who look one way, and row another.
Upon the whole matter, my lords, however the
sentiments of a Catholic of the Church of
Rome (I still say, not of the Court of Rome)
may oblige me, upon scruple of conscience, in
some particulars of this bill to give my nega-
tive to it, when it comes to passing; yet as a
member of a Protestant parliament my advice
prudentially cannot but go along with the main
scope of it; the present circumstances of tine,
and affairs considered, and the necessity of
composing the disturbed minds of the people."

Debate on ingrossing the Bill for the Supply.] March 15. Mr. Sec. Coventry. Hears that the Dutch call in their privateers, and will be speedily out: Remember Chatham business: Whenever the king neglects execution of the laws, he fails of his duty; and when you neglect to supply him you do not your duty; the king has done his part to the full: moves for a shorter day, for reading the ingrossed Bill.

Captain Legge gives an account of many

Created lord Dartmouth in 1682. He was afterwards Master of the Horse to James ii, Governor of the Tower, &c. and at the time of the Revolution, he was Admiral and Commander in Chief of the English fleet, which was detained in the Thames by the same wind that brought the Prince of Orange over. In 1691, he was committed to the Tower, where he died of an apoplexy, three months after. Burnet says, "He was one of the worthiest men of king James's court. He loved him, and had been long in his service and in his confidence: But he was much against all the conduct of his affairs; yet he resolved to stick to him at all hazards." + Echard.

men deserting his ship, (the Royal Catherine) | a printed paper of imposition on commodities, upon the rumour that the parliament would give the king no money.

Sir Tho. Meres. There was such a time as seamen's deserting us, (within a fortnight) and then there was reason for it; but now, blessed be God! the reason is removed: The motion is good, in relation to the king's affairs: Remembers with what unanimous consent the money was given, intended for his best service; and remembers then who moved for it. The bill may have its due execution, within its time, if delayed a little: As to the affairs of this house, businesses cannot go fairly up to the lords house, now upon our hands: As to the lords, he denies not but things do yet go fairly on. Would not have this bill sent up to hinder them, to make the parenthesis in a business there to interrupt them; he offers the lords leisure, but imposes nothing on them: If any man would have the Money Bill pass in the lords house the next week, concludes that the rest of the bills cannot go with this.

Sir Tho. Osborne, is sorry to hear a day named so far off, you hear the approach of the Holland fleet and is sorry to have occasion so often to tell you of the backwardness of ours.

Mr. Vaughan. The giving this Bill so speedily out of our hands may call us a kind and bountiful parliament, but never a wise one: The not passing the other bill will expose us to right of conquest again: A greater matter than any thing else: When the king has hearts, he has purses also, and can never want seamen: There is that scatters and yet increases; and there is that with-holdeth more than is ineet, and it tendeth to poverty.'

Sir Rob. Howard. After Chatham business, the king had a greater opportunity to impose than he has now: It looks hard, that after the king has granted so much, you should be jealous: the king has not left any thing to do to us; and must we stop Supply, because other persons (the lords) have not done what you would have them? This bill cannot be ingrossed suddenly: It would look ugly in any man to do it: no man can write the Bill fairly till Tuesday: hopes the thing will be as full of good intentions as ever; but that those intentions, with delay, will be defeated.

Mr. Garroway, hopes in time we shall have an answer from the king, as to the impositions; and possibly some persons, that advised that with the Declaration, may have apprehensions upon them he forgives them and prays God that he would: hopes for a general pardon, that they may have the benefit of it.

Mr. Powle, conceives it the right of parliament not to enter into debates, so much as of Supply, till redress of grievances; and it seems a tacit obligation upon the king, to redress the grievances, because it smooths the way the better for money: no man can think that we have no more grievances than already complained of: would not delay the bill till all the grievances be redressed, but would till they are stated to the king: sees by authority,

not imposed by act of parliament: It is said, that, by stopping the bill, we shall put a violence on the lords; but we put none upon them: if this issue with them answers not our ends, we may think of something else: all ar guments he hears spoken of, for the hastening this bill, are the tragical fates of necessity; but still asks, Who occasioned this necessity: when it might have been prevented by the parliament's being called in Oct. last; and thinks them guilty of a great crime that were the authors of the advice of prolonging it till now; and hopes to have that, and some other grievances, redressed; your clerk, he hears, sat up all night to ingross part of the Money Bill, and it cannot be retarded by a few days.

Mr. Thomas. We have exposed the person of the king, by answering our grievances of Popery; and thinks the king not safe without removing some persons; and names lord Arundel of Wardour, col. Rd. Talbot, and father Patrick.

Sir John Duncombe, is much surprized at the motions he has heard to day; very unreasonable, and untimely brought forth: no prince ever made such an answer as the king bas made; he has done what lies in him: is sorry to see still new clouds rise: nothing is gone from you yet, but the Bill of Popery, and the first moment read in the house of lords, and they are now sitting upon it: why is this? He never heard a question, that after this bill is perfected, it should not be ingrossed: your fears are taken away; if ingrossed, you may stop it still. Is ashamed to tell you of the lowness of the exchequer *; but those arguments are stopped by money: appeals to gentlemen concerned in the revenue and navyoffice, if things are not at a stop for want of money: the thing is not graceful, it has not a good countenance; it is so methodical, so easy and decent, the question for ingrossing, that he wonders any man can press against it: no man can take any thing from us: the bill, after being ingrossed, may lie upon the table, and you may call for it as you shall see occasion.

Col. Strangways. Consider the nature of the thing; we owe the removal of our jealousies to the king, who has graciously done it: was it not a great point, the redressing our laws, when attempted to be destroyed at one blow? every man knows, that these Money Bills are ingrossed to your hands: when we follow the steps of our ancestors, we shall do as wise things as they did. Let the Bill be ingrossed, and lie upon your table,' say some; but what calling will there be for it then? fears nothing but surprizes: would not force the lords, but would have them pressed by some arguments we use here is for Friday.

Sir Tho. Lee. If one great and extraordinary grievance be, and that redressed, shall

* He was at this time chancellor of the exchequer.