able eloquence, after congratulating the House on the happy events which had taken place in Europe, lamented that "they had not yet to rejoice in the restoration of peace to the civilized world. It was to America that the misfortune must be attributed, that the Temple of Janus was not yet closed. -The exalted example of the several powers of Europe was lost upon America, which appeared to form a focus for the seeds of discord, from which Europe was so happily relieved. Hence the prolongation of that war, notoriously originating in the unprovoked aggression of America; which aggres. sion, too, took place at a period when this country was contending for the liberty of nations--for that liberty of which America had so long been the boasted champion. To embarrass our operations in that great contest, to prevent the success of our endeavours to restore the independence of Europe, and to avail herself of the opportunity to assert her own unjust pretensions, was obviously the object of America. Hence the fatal policy of linking herself with the fallen foe of European tranquillity: hence the perfidy of her attack upon our Canadian possessions. But there she met the fate she deserved; for her invading army was speedily compelled to return, defeated and disgraced, within her own frontiers, while the British standard was triumphantly hoisted in her capital; and the distinguished chief who led that triumph was gloriously prosecuting his career, when, alas! the cypress was entwined with the laurel, by his gallant death in the arms of victory. But, notwithstanding this very serious and afflicting loss, and notwithstanding the other disasters stated to have occurred to our arms, still knowing that we had the flower of the British army in America, he entertained no doubt whatever as to the ultimate result. A great part of that army had not, unfortunate

ly, reached America in due time to take a part in the campaign; but when the season of action should arrive, when these troops, covered with laurels and inspired with the glory they had acquired on the continent of Europe, should approach the enemy under the direction of those gallant and skilful officers who had so often led them to victory, who could possibly indulge a doubt as to the event? To those who had raised the military fame of England to an unprecedented height in Europe, he would confidently trust for the attainment of our objects in America."-The noble lord, after adverting to the congress at Vienna, from which he anticipated the happiest results, concluded by recommending the serious consideration of our commercial system and internal resources, as, "after the various changes which had taken place in our relations, there must be some evils to remedy, and new arrangements to be made, in order to benefit our condition, to ensure our advancement, to amplify and adorn the arts of peace."

Lord Darnley expressed his regret that he could not assent to the address proposed. He remarked, that "when he looked around at the many existing evils of the war, when he saw a large British army in the Netherlands, and heard of so much discord among the continental powers, he could not flatter himself with the sanguine prospect which the noble lord (Delawar) seemed to entertain."-He commented with severity on the conduct of the naval administration, and the war with America and as to the congress at Vienna, he feared, that "the time for accomplishing the greatest good was gone by, after the treaty of Paris."-His animadversions on the naval administration were answered by Lord Melville. His lordship said, that "when it was known, as was the fact, that upwards of 200 of the enemy's vessels

of war, and armed vessels, had, since the commencement of the war, been captured, it must at once be evident that our navy had not been inactive. The noble earl, he trusted, would bear this fact in his mind when he brought the subject under consideration. As to the statement of the noble lord, that wherever we had a naval contest with the Americans with an equal force, it had uniformly been to our disadvantage; he could assure the noble earl, that although accidents might sometimes happen, it was entirely a mistake; and he would ask the noble lord, whether it was any proof of the inefficiency or inactivity of the British navy, that, since the commencement of the war with America, it had captured 88 of the enemy's vessels of war, from the largest to the least size, and 199 private armed vessels of all descriptions. Did the noble earl mean to urge that the commercial ma rine of the enemy had not been sufficiently attended to? If so, he could tell him, that of the enemy's commercial vessels, it was ascertained that 900 had been captured since the commencement of the war, and brought into the ports of the united kingdom. With respect to this number the accounts were certain, though some of them not official; but it was also known from other statements, which might be relied upon, that the whole number of commercial vessels captured from the enemy amounted to 1,900. It was also a fact, that 20,000 American seamen were now lodged in British prisons. He asked, then, whether the noble earl, with these facts before him, could justly charge the admiral ty with inactivity or inefficiency. Did the noble earl mean to charge the admiralty with not sufficiently protecting the commerce of our merchants? He was aware that much had been said upon this subject; but he was also aware, that whatever might be said,

the admiralty were fully acquitted of all blame. It must inevitably be the case when the whole force of an enemy was devoted to privateers, that our entire fleet, wherever stationed, could not prevent the capture of some of our merchant vessels. Their lordships were aware, that a situation of affairs similar to this occurred in the war at the accession of his present majesty. He did not refer to this period with any view of arguing, that if there was misconduct on the part of the admiralty then, it would justify misconduct on the part of the admiralty now; all he meant to urge was, that similar causes would produce similar effects. The year 1759 their lordships need not be ashamed to compare with the most brilliant period of the late war, for successes of importance obtained over the enemy, the navy of France was annihilated, and their whole force devoted to privateering. The conse quence was, that the next year a number of our commercial vessels were captured. This was a period, their lordships were well aware, that would bear no comparison with regard to extent of commerce with the present; and yet he had found upon enquiry, that the captures at the present were little more numerous than those at the former period. But let the whole number be enquired into, that were said to make up the loss from the peace of Paris down to the last month. No regular returns had, it was true, been yet received; but the number and nature of those losses might be pretty fairly ascertained from Lloyd's List, and other sources; they were said to amount to 172. Noble lords knew that the ships going to foreign parts alone, were liable to be forced to sail with convoy; the coasting trade had none. Yet of the ships which left the British ports, many were running ships, which went off without waiting for protection, and ran all hazards.

Their loss had, of course. nothing to do with the care or negligence of the navy. Of the 172 missing, it was as certained that no less than 94 were running ships of the rest there sailed and separated, whether from stress of weather or wilfully, no less than 38; and it was known perfectly, that no convoy returned without perpetual complaints on the part of the officers, of ships breaking away from their protection. During this time, the whole number of the coasting vessels captured, whilst under the protection of the admiralty, amounted to eleven."

Lord Grenville opposed the address. -He began by alluding to the war with America, in which he admitted that America was the aggressor; "as when, by the repeal of the orders in council, the causes of war were in fact removed, America, in then making war, became the aggressor."-His lordship further admitted, that her making the grounds of war also questions which struck directly at our maritime rights, rendered it, on our part, the war of the whole country in support of our rights; but he contended, that all this was no reason why the war should not be terminated amicably by negociation." The questions," said his lordship," which were the original grounds of the war, have passed away. If the war is continued for another object, information on that point ought to be laid before parliament, in order that parliament may be enabled to judge of its expediency, or whether it is fitting that further efforts on the part of the people ought to be called for, for its prolongation." His lordship then expressed his admiration of the gallant enterprise against the city of Washington, and his regret for the fall of its brave leader. But he commented with severity on the destruction of the buildings at Washington, which were not used for military purposes." I had concluded,"

said his lordship, "that the moment when peace was signed in Europe would have been the term of the war between America and this country. I cannot divine what grounds can subsist for the continuance of the contest between the two nations. But if, from the continuance of the unjust spirit in which the American government began the war, that war has not yet ceased, I implore your lordships not to neglect or abandon to chance these two violations of two distinct principles, on which the wars of modern times have been conducted the first, that private or non-military buildings shall be respected; the second, that the efforts of the government and the commanders should be employed to lessen instead of increasing the calamities of war; and that their exertions should be directed, not against unoffending individuals, who have no share in the hostilities, but against the governments which are the causes. In this situation, ignorant as I am of the grounds on which the war with America rests, I shall make no remarks on the great expenditure which its continuance renders necessary; but I must observe, that in this, as in the former contest with America, the difficulties of such a contest have been considerably under-rated; and that they are not yet sufficiently apprehended I have reason to believe, from the triumphant language made use of in this country; such language I have always deplo

red."

His Lordship then remarked on the delays in the opening of the congress at Vienna, which, he said, were most detrimental to the interests of this country. He expressed his surprise at the warlike appearance which every thing still presented, and at the cir cumstance of the country still keeping up an army of 40,000 men on the continent. Finally, adverting to the internal state of the country he express

ed it as his opinion, that an address of unqualified exultation was utterly unsuited to our situation. "Ere now," said his lordship, "we expected to have received the price of our great exertions by a reduction from the weight of those burthens which press so heavily on us. On the subject, however, of these our internal affairs, the only intimation of any change is contained in a paragraph at the end of the speech an intimation so ambiguous, that though I have attended with peculiar diligence to the speech, to the address, and to the remarks of my noble friend who seconded it, I cannot comprehend to what it refers. Some of my noble friends near me conceive it relates to the corn laws, others of my noble friends that it refers to the bullion question. If it refers to this last question, I applaud the resolution to enter into that most important subject, the state of the circulation. This, my lords, is the consuming canker that preys on the vitals of the state. The depreciation of our currency, which by gradual augmentation year after year, has reached its present state, is, I will venture to affirm, a greater cause of the depression under which the people of this country labour, than all the taxes which are paid by them. In the present state of our circulation is to be found the origin of all those difficulties which some persons have improvidently attempted to remove by imposing duties on the import of the necessaries of life. These attempts for two years together parliament has most prudently checked. I hope it will ever discourage them. I, for one, will ever raise my voice against them. I will never consent to remedy the artificial difficulties which have been created by the neglect of parliament, by imposing a tax on the subsistence of the labouring classes of this community. I will never consent to pass laws which not only are utterly impolitic

and unjust to the community, but which strike at the very root of the interests which they affect to protect. For, far from assisting the farmer or supporting the landholder, I believe that if all the catalogue of proposed measures were searched, there is not one which more certainly would bring ruin on both these classes, than the imposing great duties on the importation of grain. That the agriculture of this country labours under great difficulties, I do not deny; it is unfortunately too perfectly shown by the reports on your table. But the true cause of this depression is in the state of the circulation of the country-the true remedy is, that, unterrified by the magnitude of the subject, and not on that account indefinitely postponing it, we should proceed to the discussion, meeting with firmness the difficulties which must attend it. If, therefore, to this subject the passage in the speech applies, I cannot but applaud it. Being on the ground, I must state, that though I cannot concur in the address, I do not wish to be understood to object to the general complimentary part, still less to the grief expressed at the melancholy indisposition of his majesty. Though I have objections, and irreconcileable objections to the address, I shall not propose any amendment, since my observations principally apply to the general, profuse, and warlike character of the speech."

The Earl of Liverpool stated, that, as the Prince Regent had told the House from the throne, the negociations with America were still pending, he thought, till they had produced some result, it would be obviously improper to enter into a discussion of the subject. Notwithstanding the charac ter of the aggression on the part of the United States, his royal highness had no wish to require more than was due in justice to the country, and to his own honour. His lordship defend

ed the manner in which the war in America had been carried on; and, with regard to the proceedings at Washington, he stated, that they were a proper and necessary retaliation for several ferocious outrages committed by the Americans. His lordship jus tified the continuance of a large army on the continent after the conclusion of the war, by the unprecedented circumstances under which the late contest had terminated. In speaking of the internal state of the country, his lordship said, that as to the state of the circulation of the country, his opinions were now as different from those of the noble baron as they had been on former occasions. He had always thought that the pressure on our circulation had arisen from the peculiar circumstances of the late war, and the events of the last six months had verified his opinions to an extent which even his friends had not expected. Even under the circumstances of the great existing expenditure of the American war, and the continuance on foot of a large army, the course of exchange had rapidly returned to its old state. On this subject he should say nothing more; there would be many other opportunities, and it was difficult to say any thing on it without saying more than the present occasion would admit of."

The motion was then put and carried; and the address was afterwards voted.

In the House of Commons, the address was moved by Lord Bridport, and seconded by Mr Graham, who went over the same ground with the mover and seconder of the address in the House of Lords.

Mr Whitbread opposed the address at great length. He took occasion to object in strong language to the mission of Mr Canning to Lisbon; and, in speaking on this subject, he chose to indulge in a strain of ridicule

which was scarcely worthy either of his own character or talents, and on the success of which he would not have had much reason to congratulate himself, had the subject of it been present. It was really beneath Mr Whitbread to make such remarks as this :-" It was probable that the Prince Regent of Portugal would not return from the Brazils for many months, perhaps years. The right honourable gentleman might employ himself in revising his early productions in the Anti-jacobin, or in producing a poem, which should rival the celebrated work of Camoens; or in compiling the memoirs of his day, after the fashion of Bubb Doddington!" Mr Whitbread attacked the conduct of the administration in the conduct of the war with America, and the destruction of the buildings at Washington, on the same grounds which had been taken by Lord Grenville in the other House. On the subject of the congress at Vienna, he expressed his indignation at the conduct of the allies, in permitting the annexation of the territories of some of the smaller states to those of their more powerful neighbours. "When he heard it asserted," he said, "that Saxony, in the most unfeeling and insulting manner, was to be divided-that a great portion of it was to be incorporated with Prussiathat such a power was no longer to be suffered to remain in Germany or in Europe-he contemplated it as a grievious injury, not to the sovereign, for that was a secondary consideration, but to the people of a country emphatically called the garden of Germany, not only in a physical, but in a moral sense; for it did not alone afford sustenance for the support of life-it was also the garden of the human mind. It was there that freedom of religion might be seen in its most attractive colours; There the subjects were catholics, and the sovereign a protest