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from them, than for prefcribing it fentiments, which should be the refult of its own maturer judgment.

Afhburnton, Dec. 8.

I am, gentlemen, your most humble fervant,

PHILO-CRITICUS.

We are concerned, as well as Philo-Criticus, at the increase of our core pandence, though from a different motive; which is, that the limits of our work will not permit of its infertion. That fuch iufertion, however, is fore gn to the defign of a Literary Journal, we cannot admit; as it has been the constant practice, ever fince thofe journals have been established; fome of the most celebrated productions of the past century, having made their firft appearance in fuch periodical publications-We are forry to differ in opinion alfo from this correfpondent, refpecting the propriety of palling our judgment on the generality of modern productions. We do not prefums, indeed, to any right of prefcription over the fentiments of our readers, or to fet up our own private opinion against the maturer judgment of the public; but experience hath thewn, in numerous inftances, that fome of the best productions in our language, have been long buried in obfcurity, for want of that timely indication of their merit, which accelerates the maturation of the public judgment.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LONDON REVIEW.
SIR,
London, Dec. 13.

As you pledge yourself for the literary conduct of the London Review, I beg leave to afk you, how you could fuffer fuch a jefting with religion, as appears in Sterne's 110th letter, to pafs uncenfured. The paffage I allude to is in page 272, of the October Review, "And after faying my Lord's Prayer," &c. Yours, &c.

This correfpondent feems difpofed to cavil.-The Reviewers did país a general cenfure on the letter in question, as well as on the editor for publishing it. But, had they not, the mere literary conduct of the Review has nothing to do with its defects, either in regard to religion, politics or morality.

TO THE LONDON REVIEWER S.

If you have any lawyer amongst your number, pray afk them whether you are not mistaken in the laft note of page 273, of October Review; for we think you are, and that the King's tenants in capite were not allowed to aliene their lands till the reign of Hen. VII.

The Senfe of a Company of five young Students. ** As the Reviewer's remark was fuggefted from memory, and confefiedly made under correction, it would be obliging in thete five fenfible young students, (who met have more leifure on their hands than the Reviewers) if they would put the question to their tutors, or rather confult the books; which, at the fame time as it ferves t correct the Reviewers, may give a laudable proof of their own application.

+++ We would advife Mr. Sheridan and his friends, to reft satisfied with the fuccefs and applause the Duenna meets with in the Theatre.Indeed we are fo far from finding any reason to retract the opinion given in our 1aft month's Review, refpecting the poetical merit of the fongs, that, if the fubject were not beneath criticism, we should ftoop to defend that opinion, by pointing out particulars. We differ alfo entirely from our correfpondent Philo-Sheridan, in thinking it injurious to the reputation of the author of the Duenna, that the piece is not printed entire. On the contrary, we think that the reputation, as well as the intereft, both of the author and the managers, depends greatly on their prudential feheme of fupprefling the dialogue. Should our Correfpondent continue of a different opinion, and challenge our judgment again, in the manner he has done, we may be induced to give our readers a fufficient fpecimen of the dialogue to enable them to determine. Medicus's letter is referred to the gentleman who reviewed the article in queftion, who will fhortly fend an answer by letter, addreffed as required. Philofophia's last letter is under confideration, and his request, if it can poffibly be made convenient, fhall be complied with.

N. E. The defence of Dr. PRIESTLEY, against the cavils of the MONTHLY Reviewers, will appear in our APPENDIX; alfo Mr, SETON's farewell the doctor, and his doctrine of material SOULS!

THE

APPENDIX

TO THE

SECOND VOLUME

OF THE

LONDON REVIEW,

ART. I. The Lufiad; or, the Discovery of India. An Epic Poem. Tranflated from the Original Portuguefe of Luis de Camoëns By William Julius Mickle. 4to. l. is. Jackson and Lifter, Oxford; Cadell, London.

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Mr. Mickle's tranflation of the Lufiad, which has long been expected by the admirers of poetical compofitions, hath at length made its appearance; dedicated to the duke of Buccleugh, to whofe family the tranflator's father was many years chaplain, and patronized by a numerous and very refpectable body of subfcribers. Nor is it the poetical translation of the Lufiad merely, tho nothing more is mentioned in the title, which Mr. Mickle hath here presented to the publick. An introduction is prefixed confifting of near two hundred pages, and containing ift, politico-philofophical obfervations on the discovery of the Indies. zd, An historical illuftration of the poem. 3d, The life of Camoens, its author. 4th, A critical differtation on the merit of his poem; introduced by an examination and confutation of the criticisms of Voltaire on the same subject; to which is added an ingenious differtation on the machinery of Taffo's Jerufalem and Voltaire's Henriade. Of fo copious and entertaining a volume VOL. II. N n

it

t will be impoffible to give the reader an adequate idea in a fingle article; we fhall therefore defer our critique and fpecimens of the tranflation itself, till we have gone through the fubject of the introduction.

"If a concatenation of events centered in one great action, says this writer, events which gave birth to the prefent commercial fyftem of the world, if these be of the first importance in the civil history of mankind, the Lufiad, of all other poems, challenges the attention of the philofopher, the politician, and the gentleman.

"In contradiftinction to the Iliad and Æneid, the Paradife Loft has been called the epic poem of religion. In the fame manner may the Lufiad be named the epic poem of commerce. The happy completion of the most important defigns of Henry Duke of Vifeo, prince of Portugal, to whom Europe owes both Gama and Columbus, both the eastern and the western worlds, conftitutes the fubject of that celebrated epic poem, (known hitherto in England almoft only by name) which is now offered to the English reader. But before we proceed to the hiftorical introduction neceffary to elucidate a poem founded on fuch an important period of hiftory, fome attention is due to the opinion of thofe theorists in political philofophy who lament that either India was ever difcovered, and who affert that the increase of trade is only the parent of degeneracy, and the nurse of every vice."

Here the author enters into an ingenious and fenfible examination of the opinions of fuch theorifts; the refult of which determines the point against them. In the courfe of this inveftigation, he is led to controvert the notions of the celebrated Abbé Raynal on this fubject; his obfervations on which we shall select, as a specimen of this part of the work.

“The author of that voluminous work, Hiftoire Philosophique & Politique des Etabliffemens & du Commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes, is one of the many who affert that the favage is happier than the civil life. His reafons are thus abridged: The favage has no care or fear for the future, his hunting and fishing give him a certain fubfiftence. He fleeps found, and knows not the difeafes of cities. He cannot want what he does not defire, nor defire that which he does not know, and vexation or grief do not enter his foul. He is not under the controul of a fuperior in his actions; in a word, says our author, the favage only fuffers the evils of nature.

"If the civilized, he adds, enjoy the elegancies of life, have better food, and are more comfortably defended against the change of feafons, it is ufe which makes these things neceffary, and they are purchafed by the painful labours of the multitude who are the bafis of fociety. To what outrages is not the man of civil life expofed? if he has property it is in danger; and government or authority is, according to our author, the greatest of all evils. If there is a famine in the north of America, the favage, led by the wind and the fun, can go to a better cline; but in the borrors of famine, war, or peftilence, the ports and barriers of polifhed ftates place the fubjects in a prison,

a prifon, where they must perish-Il refteroit encore-There ftill remains an infinite difference between the lot of the civilized and the favage; a difference, toute entiere, all entirely to the difadvantage of fociety, that injuftice which reigns in the inequality of fortunes and conditions. In fine, fays he, as the wish for independence is one of the first instincts of man, he who can join to the poffeffion of this primitive right, the moral fecurity of a fubfiftence, (which we were just told the favage could do) is incomparably more happy than the rich man furrounded with laws, fuperiors, prejudices and fashi ons, which endanger his liberty.".

"Such are the fentiments of a writer, whofe historical intelligence has acquired him a reputation on the continent; and as he is not fingular in his estimate of favage happiness, his abfurdities merit fome obfervation. And nothing can be more evident, than that if habit deftroy the relish of the elegancies of life, habit alfo will destroy the pleasure of hunting and fishing, when thefe are the fole bufinefs of the favage. You may as well fay, a poftillion jaded with fatigue and fhivering with wet and cold, is extremely happy because gentlemen ride on horfeback for their pleasure. That we cannot want what we do not defire, nor defire what we do not know, are just pofitions; but does it follow, that fuch ftate is happier than that which brings the wishes and cares of civil life? By no means: For, according to this argument, infenfibility and happiness proceed in the fame gradation, and of confequence an oyfter is the happiest of all animals. The advantages afcribed to the favage over the civilized in the time of war and famine, in the equality of rank, and fecurity of liberty, outrage common fenfe, and are ftriking inftances that no abfurdities are too grofs for the reveries of modern philofophy. This author quite forgets what dangers the favages are every where expofed to, how their lands, if of any value, are fure to be feized by their more powerful neighbours, and millions of their perfons enflaved by the more polifhed ftates. He quite forgets the infinite distance between the refources of the focial and favage life; between the comforts adminif-1 tered by fociety to infirmity and old age, and the miserable state of the favage when he can no longer purfue his hunting and fishing. He alfo quite forgets the infinite difference between the difcourfe of the favage hut, and the cana deorum, the friendship and converfation of refined and elevated understandings. But to philofophife is the contagion which infects the efprits forts of the continent; and under the mania of this disease, there is no wonder that common fenfe is so

And our author in reality goes as far, "Temsin cet Ecoffois,Witness that Scotchman, fays he, who being left alone on the ifle of Fernandez, was only unhappy while his memory remained; but when his natural wants fo engroffed him that he forgot his country, his language, his name, and even the articulation of words, this European, at the end of four years, found himfelf eafed of the burden of focial life, in having the happiness to lose the use of reflection, of these thoughts, which led him back to the paft, or taught him to dread the future." But this is as erroneous in fact, as fuch happiness is falfe in philofophy. Alexander Selkirk fell into no fuch state of happy idiotifm; and on his return to England, the remembrance of his fufferings on the ifle of Fernandez, afforded the hint of Robinson Crufoe,

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often crucified. It is only the reputation of those who support some opinions that will vindicate the use of refuting them. We may therefore, it is hoped, be forgiven, if, en bagatelle, we fmile at the triumph of our author, who thus fums up his 66 arguments: Après tout, un mot peut terminer ce grand procès-After all, one word will decide this grand difpute, fi fortement debattue entre les philofopbes, -fo ftrongly canvaffed among philofophers: Demand of the man of civil life, if he is happy? Demand of the favage, if he is miferable? If both answer, No, the difpute is determined." By no means; for the beaft that is contented to wallow in the mire, is by this argument, in a happier state than the man who has one with to fatisfy, however reasonably he may hope to do it by his industry and virtue."

Of the history on which the poem is founded our readers will excufe us from giving any abstract; as we must not exclude the following life of Camoens the author; which we shall give with the translator's exordium.

The LIFE of the AUTHOR.

"When the glory of the arms of Portugal had reached its meridian fplendor, Nature, as if in pity of the literary rudeness of that nation, produced one great poet, to record the numberlefs actions of high spirit performed by his countrymen. Except Oforius, the historians of Portugal are little better than dry journalists. But it is not their inelegance which rendered the poet neceffary. It is the peculiar nature of poetry to give a colouring to heroic actions, and to exprefs an indignation againft the breaches of honour, in a spirit which at once feizes the heart of the man feeling, and carries with it an inftantaneous conviction. The brilliant actions of the Portuguese form the great hinge which opened the door to the most important alteration in the civil hiftory of mankind. And to place these actions in the light and enthufiafm of poetry, that enthufiafm which particularly affimulates the youthful breast to its own fires, was Luis de Camoens, the poet of Portugal, born.

"Different cities claimed the honour of his birth. But according to N. Antonio, and Manuel Correa his intimate friend, this event happened at Lisbon in 1517. His family was of confiderable note, and originally Spanish. In 1370, Vafco Perez de Caamans, difgufted at the court of Caftile, fled to that of Lisbon, where king Ferdinand immediately admitted him into his council, and gave him the lordfhips of Sardoal, Punnete, Marano, Amendo, and other confiderable lands; a certain proof of the eminence of his rank and abilities. In the war for the fucceffion, which broke out on the death of Ferdinand, Caamans, fided with the king of Caftile, and was killed in the battle of Aljabarota. But though John I. the victor, feized a great part of his eftate, his widow, the daughter of Gonfalo Tereyro, grand master of the order of Chrift, and general of the Portuguese army, was not reduced beneath her rank. She had three fons, who took the name of Camoens. The family of the eldeft inter-married with the first nobility of Portugal, and even, according to Castera, with the blood royal. But the family of the fecond brother, whofe fortune was flender, had the fuperior honour to produce the author of the Lufiad.

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