that all the offence they had committed was, that they were accustomed to affemble before day-light, to fing an hymn to Christ as to a God, and to bind themselves by an oath not to be guilty of theft, adultery, deceit, treachery, or any other crimes?" Was there any thing in this conduct in the New-Englanders fo inconfiftent with fubjection to civil authority, and deftructive of the order of fociety, that the bold innovators must be ridiculed as men" above all ordinances," who " defpifed the authority of the laws of England, as inapplicable to fo godly a people." In judging for themfelves, and choofing their own form of religion, what did they more, than follow the example of thofe who firft eftablished the Church of England, which every one knows was a feparation or diffent from the Church of Rome, and which would never have been accomplished had the reformers fuffered themselves to be governed by that "laudable spirit of attachment to the usages of their fathers," which Mr. Chalmers appears fo much to admire? If it would have been fo agreeable to "the admirable spirit of Chriftianity for these new fettlers to allow the liberty of choice and act" to the Epifcopalians, furely it could not be very contrary to the spirit of Christianity, or to its great law of equity, that we ought to do to others as we would that they should do to us, that they fhould be permitted to enjoy that liberty themselves. The code of regulations inftituted for Carolina by John Locke, and that framed for Penfylvania by William Penn, as might be expected, are treated by our Author with contempt. Concerning the latter he fays; "Though it flattered the vanities of men, it was too theoretical to be practicable, too flimfy to prove lafting, too complicated to enfure continual harmony, and too wild to be ufeful." Yet he acknowledges in another place, that in executing this plan, Penn at once "promoted his own defigns, and the happiness of the people;" and that "Penfylvania flourished exceedingly, and increafed fo faft in population, industry, and wealth, that fhe foon outstripped her neighbours, and in a fhort period became perhaps the moft commercial, rich, and powerful of all the plantations. Could all this good arife in the ftate, and no fhare of the merit belong to the legiflator? Or had a fyftem which [though "too wild to be useful"]"promoted the happiness of the people," no claim to" praise from philofophers?" Our Author's political principles are fully explained in the laft chapter of this volume, in which he attempts to lay open the grounds on which the Colonies were firft fettled, and on thefe grounds, to maintain the right of the British Parliament to tax America. In the course of thefe obfervations, Mr. Chalmers, by a kind of political legerdemain, metamorphofes Hh 4 Whigs Whigs into Tories, and Tories into Whigs, in the following very ingenious paragraph : Few doctrines are too abfurd or destructive not to have been propagated and defended by the leaders of faction at all times, and in every country. We ought not to be furprifed, therefore, that even the juft authority of the legislature has been impugned by different men, with different views. In other times objection was only formed against one part of its authority. And it was formerly contended, with a greater share of plausibility than force," that infufficient was the power of parliament to change or regulate the defcent of the crown." When we confider, however, the various infances in which this ef fential right had been exerted from the acceffion of Henry IV. to that of Elizabeth, it must appear fingular that any doubt should have been entertained of the extent of parliamentary power. We muft attribute it to the extreme pertinacity of mankind, when influenced by party motives, that, notwithstanding the vigorous declarations of the Parliament during the reign of that Princess, the fame objections were continued throughout the fubfequent age. And the year 1680 is remarkable in English annals, not only for being the epoch of the juftly exploded party names of Whig and Tory, but for those projects for excluding the Duke of York from the throne, which created fo great a ferment towards the conclufion of the reign of his brother. But it was apparent to every one, that, were the authority of parliament incompetent to alter the fucceffion, an act of exclufion would pafs to little purpofe. The two great parties of the nation prepared, the one to impeach, the other to defend, the power of the legislature. When the bill was debated by the Commons, the Whigs very properly contended in its favour: That, government being founded by accident rather than in natural right, the rules of mere pofitive inftitution must be fubject to the legislature, fince they derived their energy from its will; that there must be lodged confequently fomewhere, in every state, an authority abfolute and fupreme, the great fountain of the laws, which all must revere and obey; that, in the English conftitution, this tranfcendent power is happily placed where it is most fafe, in the Parliament, which, compofed of every order of the state, muft neceffarily poffefs the will, the energy of the ftate; that whatsoever determination receives the powerful approbation of its fanction cannot afterwards admit of any dispute or controul, fince there would be no end to alteration, and the whole might be undone, But against reafonings, which, during thofe days, it was fo difficult to anfwer, because they were popular, because they proceeded from the voice of the laws and the people, the courtiers and Tories infifted: That it was ridiculous to fpeak of an authority altogether abfolute, fince fuch was to be found under no form of government, and omnipotence itself can do nothing inconfient or impoffible; far lefs could fuch a power be invested in judicatories, compofed of men fubject to human infirmities, fince every exertion must partake of their weakness; and, confequently, acts of parliament may easily be figured, which muft neceffarily be deemed void, either from the defect of their formation, or from the impoffibility of execution, The fate of the bill; the confequent acceffion of James H. the fol 3 lowing lowing refolution: all have been related by writers of the greatest talents, and are univerfally known. Upon the before-mentioned principles of the Whigs was founded the interefting event which placed William on the throne; upon thofe principles has the prefent happy establishment been defended by the beft and ableft friends of the Conftitution; upon no other can the rectitude of both be poffibly fupported. The maxims of the law of England will be found too ftubborn to give way to the fpeculations of theo:ifts, however ingenious or refpectable. How amuling is it to contemplate the viciffitudes of those parties, which, under different forms, mult ever exift, while freedom animates the whole. How frequently do they infenfibly change their principles, and imperceptibly take the place of each other. All in their turns have employed force to fupport their fentiments, when they have found their reafonings and intrigues unfuccefsful. Hence the various infurrections, whether denominated rebellion or refiftance, which have disturbed the repofe of the State, from the Revolution to the prefent day, have been uniformly directed against the conftitutional authority of the Legislature before-mentioned, against the principles of the Whigs of 1680. Meanwhile, a new set of men have arifen, who, adopting the fentiments of the Tories, though with very different views, have inferred: That, though a King of England may be bound, though the defcent of the crown may be limited by Parliament, yet, that English fubjects, living within the boundaries of the empire, claiming rights from English laws, are exempted from the authority of the English legislature.' Had the Author condefcended to confult the writings of the Whigs, either of the period of which he is here treating, or of the present times, he would have found them incapable of the inconfiftencies with which he charges them; he would have found it to be their invariable principle, that the original fource of all power, and all law, refides in the Majefty of the People; and that all governors, by whatever names they are diftinguished, are in reality the delegates, and (craving pardon of thofe courtly gentlemen who have of late been fo much offended by the word) we will add, the fervants of the People, and ACCOUNTABLE to their masters for the important truft committed to them. It is folely on this principle of the Supremacy of the People, and on the fuppofition that their pleasure was expreffed in the voice of the Parliament which changed the fucceffion of the Crown at the Revolution, that this great tranfaction can be juftified. However trite the maxim, while there is on earth a prince, minifter, or fenator, who forgets it, let not the friends of mankind ceafe to repeat, Salus Populi eft fuprema lex. [To be concluded in our next ] E.' ART. ART. XII. 2 s. 6 d. A Speculation; or, a Defence of Mankind: A Poem. 4to, Ta time when the rancour of party animofity feems in a great measure to have monopolized the pen of fatire, it is with no flight degree of fatisfaction that we find this sportive bard once more invoking the Mufe of Humour to laugh the vices and foibles of mankind out of countenance. And yet, if we may judge from the opening of his poem, he does not appear to have met, in his own eftimation at least, with that treatment from the world to which his inoffenfive reprehenfion of its vices ought to have entitled him; Ah me! what fpleen, revenge, and hate Those reprobated bards await, Who feek by laughter to difgrace Howe'er by nature they're inclin'd Their minds to virtue would entice, Make manners, and not men, their game, Are civil friends, and latent foes. And wilt thou then, dear Mufe, once more The fcribbler's jeft, and coxcomb's fneer? Thou art a harden'd finner grown, Nor all the criticising race Can move one muscle of thy face. But if fome man for talte renown'd, Of knowledge deep, and judgment found, Some Some devious path thou fhould't explore, Like this poor word, call'd SPECULATION.' After giving a definition of the term according to its primi time acceptation, he proceeds to point out its present mifappli cation and abuse: Whatever wild fantaftic dreams Give birth to man's outrageous schemes, To virtue, honesty, or sense, Whate'er the wretched basely dare Fraud, luxury, or diffipation, Affumes the name of-SPECULATION.' Of these speculators, who form, under the pencil of this admirable artist, a groupe truly grotefque, the Bull is not the least humorous: 'Oh! how PYTHAGORAS Would wonder! And JUPITER prepare his thunder! The |