peated at the end of 18 years and 11 days, which is the exact duration of the aftronomical period: but, generally fpeaking, it is in the duration of a lunar month, fometimes of the preceding or fucceeding lunation, that the refemblance is the most palpable.

The fares may be confulted, not only for rains, but also for falls of fnow, thunder-ftorms, fogs and inundations.This he fhews by feveral examples. It is true, the obfervations of this eminent investigator of nature have been confined to the climate of Padua; but furely, it is a confiderable step made, to have difcovered even here the meteorogical cycle or period, which is the object of this Memoir.-The period may perhaps exhibit fewer examples of correspondence and regularity in northern countries, as incidental caufes that affect the temperature of the feasons, fuch as thunder-. ftorms, are more diverfified and irregular in these countries, than in fouthern climates. However, obfervers in all countries, will, no doubt, be engaged by the example of M. TOALDO, to examine how far this lunar period of the feafons is verified in their respective climates.

Iftoria Politica e Litteraria della Grecia, &c. i. e. A Political and Literary History of Greece. By CHARLES DENINA. Profeffor of Eloquence in the Royal Univerfity of Turin, Director of the Claffes of Hiftory and Belles Lettres in the Royal Academy, &c. Vol. I. and II. 8vo. 1781.-The learning and taste of the Abbé DENINA are well known, and his Revolutions of Italy have given him a high and deferved reputation. Much inftruction and entertainment may therefore be expected from this important work, of which we have here only the two first volumes. The whole is to be comprifed in eight volumes. The History of Greece, in a State of Liberty, treated in 15 books, will occupy the firft four, which take in the most remote period of Grecian ftory, and carry the work down to the death of Philip of Macedon, 344 years before the Chriftian æra. The four laft volumes will contain the History of Greece under the Kings of Macedon, which takes in a period of 190 years, from the reign of Philip to the reduction of Macedonia into a Roman province, 140 years before Christ.

The two first volumes go fo far down as the year 428 before Chrift, and contain eight books. In the two firft, the Author treats of the fabulous and heroic period of the Grecian hiftory, down to the era of the Olympiads, where it approaches to the borders of truth, or at leaft of credibility. Here both his erudition and his critical touch are put to the trial, and appear to advantage; and the ufe he fometimes makes of allegory, and fometimes of hiftorical probability, to illustrate an enormous accumulation of fables, is chafte and judicious.

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More efpecially, his account of the manners and cuftoms of the Greeks, in these rude and early ages, difplays a very extensive acquaintance with ancient learning and philofophy; and the detail into which he enters in defcribing the food, raiment, and domestic life of this famous people, their civil and political fyftem, their religion and morals, their progrefs in literature and military fcience, is curious and entertaining. The legislation of Lycurgus, the Spartan commonwealth, the general progrefs of policy and military difcipline in the ftates of Greece, the establishment of Grecian colonies in Afia Minor, Thrace, Italy, and other places, the rife of their commerce with the Egyptians and Afiatics, the effects of popular infurrections and commotions towards the advancement of tyranny, are amply treated in the third book, which concludes with the hiftory of the first age of the Grecian philofophy, and particularly of Thales and the feven fages.

Athens and Solon difplay their luftre in the fourth book, which begins with an effay on the progrefs of Grecian literature at this period. Here the fatirical, dramatic, and lyric poets, as alfo the philofophers, pafs in review. In this book, the energy which the Grecian ftates had derived from the legislation of Lycurgus and Solon, and which enabled them to make a ftand against the Perfian monarchy, rendered formidable by its conquefts in Afia and Egypt, is well reprefented in its causes and effects, and all the illuftrious characters and events that adorn and enliven this great and fhining period of hiftory, are accurately exhibited to our view.

The fecond volume and fifth book begin with a general view of the origin and grandeur of the Perfian monarchy. The whole of this book is taken up in relating the first and second Perfian wars, and concludes with the famous battle of Salamis. The other events of this war are related in the fixth book, which brings us to the end of the adminiftration of Pericles. Here we fee Greece at the fummit of tafte, magnificence and power, enriched with ftatefmen, generals, philofophers, orators, hiftorians, poets and artifts, that raifed her reputation to the highest pitch. This view of Grecian tafte and learning is exhibited in an ample and brilliant reprefentation in the feventh book, and forms an agreeable refting-place for the reader between the Perfian war and the famous and fatal war of Peloponnefus, which was the ruin of Greece. It is in this book that the Abbé DENINA peculiarly difplays his tafte for the fine arts that embellifhed this noble period of Grecian profperity, and fhews his extenfive acquaintance with the literature and philofophy of the ancients. The eighth book, which terminates this fecond volume, relates the principal events of the Peloponnefian war, and will naturally excite the impatience of the

reader

reader for the publication of the fucceeding books. We gave, in one of our former Reviews, an account of another work of this kind, compofed by M. CoOUSIN DESPREAUX, The two hiftorians of Greece are worthy to be compared; and we may perhaps attempt this comparifon, when the Abbé Denina's work is finished.

BRITISH PUBLICATION 3.

ART. XII.

Letters on Political Liberty: Addreffed to a Member of the English House of Commons, on his being chofen into the Committee of an Affociating County. 8vo. Is. 6d. Evans. 1782.

W

E have here fomething new, though the subject is old, and we believe from a new Author in the political line; and one who we think promifes fair to go beyond most of his cotemporaries as a theorift. Nay, we do not recollect to have obferved, fince Montefquieu, a pen that bids fairer to advance the great and important fcience of politics, fome few steps at leaft.

May it not be hoped, now, on some appearance of a revival of public virtue, that many more will step forth and exert themfelves, who would never have been known but for the late changes of men and measures, and who would have died in obfcurity, defpairing of their country? And if this nation be not too far gone in the decline to recover, we hope fuch men may produce great and good effects, and may draw the attention and exertions of the public to the very interefting fubject of these letters.

Our Author, inviting men of knowledge to treat Politics as a science, obferves, That government has been referred to the appointment of the deity; to the regulations of patriarchs; to the phyfical influence of climates; to the ebullition of accidental circumftances producing the spirit of a nation; to a divine right in. certain favoured families; to fuperiority of talents; to the prevalence of force; to inherent rights; to a compact, &c. If Government be referable to any of these causes, it may be to all.

Politics, affuming the rank of fcience, would not be left, as it is, to men of bufinefs, whofe active faculties may be as aftonishing as their powers of reflection are inconfiderable.

At this time the greatest man in every ftate, except China, are only paffengers in veffels conducted by ignorant mariners, and applying themselves to every thing but the fcience on which their fafety depends: When the veffels are loft, philofophers are

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funk in the abyfs in common with the vermin which infefted them. The first concern of every man should be the nature and conftruction of the machine in which he is embarked on the voyage of life.'

He eftablishes and preferves the diftinction hitherto not fufficiently attended to, between civil and political liberty; the first being the refult of laws and regulations which define the boundaries of men's actions as citizens of the fame community, and leave them free within those boundaries. Political liberty has a reference merely to the grand divifions of the ftate, the popular, the executive, and legislative, and confifts in their freedom from the incroachments of each other. Thus, a community has no political liberty, whofe executive power influences or commands the legislative, and where the people have no regular and practicable method of checking or controuling all the powers of government, when they tranfgrefs their proper boundaries.

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At the Revolution, and fince the acceffion of the Hanover family, our civil liberties have been improved, while political liberty has been almost annihilated.-But when he says, our conftitution prefents to the view of the world one of the moft awkward and unmanageable fabrics which has ever been produced by human folly," we hope he rather exaggerates, and that as this country affords yet greater fecurity, and more numerous incentives to induftry and exertion than any other we know, we hope its conftitution may yet contain the feeds of political liberty; and whatever obftacles lie in the way, it is one of the moft improveable of the remaining Gothic conftitutions, if the people can be made willing to reftore and improve it.

He obferves, that the offices of all the members of any body or fociety are diftinct, and cannot encroach on each other without inconvenience and mifchief: and power, without a refifting and balancing power, is always hurtful. A legiflation and magiftracy, without an actual power in the people to preserve their political liberty, are abfurdities, or they are mafques for the features of defpotism.

A well-conftituted ftate with perfectly feparate bodies to make laws, to execute them, and to confine all within their proper limits, is perhaps a scientific idea; but philofophers, like our Author, do well to hold it up. The pretended difference between theory and practice has ever been the expedient of knaves and blockheads.

That particular men may be averfe to reformation, is accounted for in a masterly, though fatirical manner.

He obferves, that in the time of the Saxons the ftate enjoyed a high degree of political liberty, of which he gives a fhort and elegant history and that a new conftitution was formed at the

Revolution,

Revolution, when, by providing for civil and not for political liberty, we have preferred the leffer to the greater bleffing.

But our limits do not permit tranfcribing or explaining fo much as we could wish, and we must refer to the original, which we would recommend to all who are interested about their country, and difpofed to think; for the matter is exceedingly compreffed, and the Letters are much in the manner of Tacitus, written with great fpirit, precifion, and intelligence.

The Writer diftinguishes the populace and people, and reprobates the doctrine that pretends to render the first magistrate not refponfible for his own actions.-Obferves, that nine-tenths of the property of the nation was in the hands of thofe who were averfe to the injury intended against America, and it began to appear, that property is not the fure foundation of political power and liberty.

When fuch writers appear, an old fubject feems new again, or but little advanced. Men feem not yet fufficiently clear, with our Author, whether it be the property or the perfons that conftitute the ftate, and fhould be reprefented. In the prefent com. mercial and avaricious difpofitions of mankind, fome palliative medium between thefe, is probably the beft that can be expected of them. Rich individuals, &c. are likely always to have fome influence on government, but fuch influence will vary with public virtue. We apprehend men would as yet feel bewildered, if property were to cease its ufual effects. We fear those who poffefs riches, and those who do not, will be found equally unwil ling to reduce their value and importance. The oppofition to limit the number of Peers proceeded from the House of Commons. But the legislature that is constituted, or makes laws on fuch principles, must be wrong, unjust, and inadequate.

But how to weed and keep out fuch natural vices and errorsto draw the line round the fubjects to which the people are neceffary and competent-to limit-to decide many other queftions that naturally arife, will deferve the further explanation of fuch as our Author, and we hope the fubject will not reft here.

The people poffeffing and exercising an acknowledged and regular power of controul over the legislative and executive powers, though delegated from the people, is now, we fear, fo new an idea, or fo long loft, that it may require much time, various trials and events, before it can be again understood, practifed, and established; and we muft perhaps be content to arrive at it by fuch flow degrees and irregular affociations as America, or Ireland, &c. and it feems to require fome great or critical occafion.

He not only ftates the evil in a masterly manner, but propofes the remedy; and though here doctors may differ, we confefs at prefent a partiality for his plan, according to which, by means of

divifion