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lies to get their children instructed; for the artisans are so desirous of apprentices, that many of them will even give money to the parents, to have boys from ten to fifteen years of age, bound apprentices to thein till the age of twentyone; and muy pour parents have, by that means, on their arrival in the co: mtry, raised inoney enough to buy land suía ficient to establish themselves, and to subsist the rest of the family by agricultura. These contracts for apprentices are made before a magistrate, who regulates the agreement according to reason and justice; and having in view the forination of a future useful citizen, obliges the master to engage by a written indenture, not only that, during the time of service stipulated, the apprentice shall be duly pro iided with meat, drink, apparel, washing, and longing, and at its expiration with a complete new suit of clothes, but also, that he shall be taught to read, write, and cost accounts; and that he shall be well instructed in the art or profession of his master, or some other, by which he may afterwards gain a livelihood, and be able in his turn to raise a family. A copy of this indenture is gi en to the apprentice or his friends, and the magistrate keeps a r.cord of it, to which recourse may he had, in case of failure by the master in any point of performance. Ti.is desire a:nong the masters to have more hands employed in working for them, induces them to pay the passage of young persons of both sexes, who, on their arrival, agrue to serve them one, two, three, or four years; those who have already learned a trade, agreeing for a shorter term, in proportion to their skill, and the consequent immediate value of their service; and those who have none, agreeing for a longer term, in consideration of being taught an art taeir poverty would not perinit them to acquire in their own country.
The almost general mediocrity of fortume that prevails in Americ:, obliging its people to follow some business for subsistence, those vices that arise usually fro:n idleness are in a great measure prevented. Iu:lustry and constant e:nployment are great preservatives of the inorals and virtue of a nation. Hence bad examples to youth are inore rare in America, which must be a co:nfortable consideration to pa
To this may be truly added, that serious religion, under its various denominations, is not only tolerateri biit respected and practised. Atheisin is unknown there; and infidelity rare and secret; so that persons may live to a great age in that country without having their fiety shocked by meeting with either an atheist or an infidel. And the Divine Being seems to have manifested his approbation of the mutual forbearance and kindness with which the different sects treat each other, by the reinarkable prosperity with which He has been pleased to favor the whole country.
: THOUGHTS ON COMMERCIAL SUBJECTS. OF EMBARGOES UPON CORN, AND OF THE POOR.
In inland high countries, reinute from the sea, and whose rivers are small, ruming from the country and not to it, as is the case with Switzerland; great distress may arise froin a course of bad harvests, if public granaries are not provided and kept well stored. Anciently, too, before nave igation was so genera!, ships so plenty, and commercial transictions so well established, even maritime countries might be occasionally distressed by bad crops. But such is now the fucility of communication between those countries, that an unrestrained commerce can scarce ever fail of procuring a sufficiency for any of them. If indeed any gore ernment is so imprudent as to lay its hands on impoited corn, förbid its exportation, or compel its sale at limited prices, there the people may suffer some famine froin merchants avoiding their ports. But wherever commerce is known to be always free, and the merchant absolute master of his conmodity, as in Hollanil, there will always be a reasonable supply.
When an exportation of corn takes place, occasioned by a higher price in some foreign countries, it is common to · raise a clamor, on the supposition that we shall thereby pri duce a domestic famine. Then follows a prohibition founded on the imaginary distresses of the poor. to be sur., if in distress, should be reli ved: but if the farmer could have a high price for his cora from the foreign demand, must he by a probibition of exportation be compelled to take a low price, not of the poor only, but of every Que that eats bread, even the richest? The duty of relievo
ing the poor is incumbent on the rich; but by this operation the whole burden of it is laid on the fariner, who is to relieve the rich at the same time. Of the poor, too, those who are maintained by the parishes have no right to claim this sacrifice of the farmer; as while they have their alowance, it makes no difference to them whether bread be cheap or lear. Those working poor, who now mind business only five or four days in the week, if bread should be so dear as to oblige them to work the whole six required by the commantment, do not seem to be aggrieved, so as to have a rig'it to public redress. There wi.) then remain, comparati vel;, only a few funilies in every district, who, from sickness or a great number of children, will be so distressed by a high price of com as to need relief; and these should be taken care of by particular benefactions, without restraining the farmer's profit.
Those who fear that exportation may so far drain the comtry of corn, as to starve ourselves, fear what never did nor never can happen. They may as well, when they view the tide ebbing towards the sea, fear that all the water will leave the river. The price of corn, jike water, will find its own lev.l. The more we export, the dea:er it becomes at home; the more is received abroad, the cheaper it becomes ther?; and as soon as these prices are equal, the exportation stops of cours. As the seasons vary in different countries, the calamity of a bad harvest is never universal. If, then, all ports were always open, and all co:ne merce free, every maritime country would generally eat bread at the medium price, or average of all the harvests, which would probably be more equal than we can make it by our artificial regulations, and therefore a more steady encouragement to agriculture. The nation would all have bread at this middle price; and that nation, which at any time inhuinanly refuses to relieve the distresses of another nation, descrves no compassion when in distress itself.
OF THE EFFECT OF DEARNESS OF PROVISIONS UPON
WORKING, AND UPON MANUFACTURES. The common people do not work for pleasure generally, but from necessity. Cheapness of provisions makes them more idle; less work is then done, it is then more in demand proportionally, and of course the price rio ses. Dearness of provisions obliges the manufacturer to work inore days and more hours; thus more work is done than equals the usual deinand; of course it becomes cheap er, and the manufactures in cousequence.
OF AN OPEV TRADE. Perhaps, in general, it would be better if government meldled no farther with trade than to protect it, and let it take its course. Most of the statutes or acts, edicts, arrets, and placarts of parliaments, priuces, and states, for regulating, directing, or restraining of trade, have, we think, been either political blunders, or jobs obtained by artful men for privat: advantage, under prelence of public good. When Colbert asseinbled some of the wise old merchants of France, and desired their advice and opinion how he could best serve and promote commerce; their answer, after consultation, was in three words only, Laissez nous fuire, "Let us alone. It is said, by a very solid writer of the same nation, that he is well advanced in the science of polja tics, who knows the full force of that inaxim, Pas trop gouverner, ' not to gover too much;' which perhaps would be of more use when applied to trade than in any other public concern. It were therefyre to be wishe:1, that commerce
as free between all the nations of the world as it is between the several counties of England; so would all, by mutual coinmunications, obtain more enjoyinents. Those counties do not ruin each other by trade, neither would the nations. No nation was ever ruined by trade, even, seemingly the most disadvantageous.
Wherever desirable superfluities are jinported, industry is excited, and thereby plenty is produced. Were only necessaries permitted to be purchased, men would work no more than was necessary for that purpose.
OF PROIIIBITIONS WITH RESPECT TO TUE EXTORT.
ATION OF GOLD AND SILVER. Could Spain and Portugal have succeeded in executing their foolish laws for hedging in the curkov, as Locke calls it, and have kept at hoine all their gold and silver, those metals would, by this time, have been of little more value thau so inuch lead or iron. Their plenty would have lessened their value.
We see the folly of these edicts; but are not our own prohi. bitory and restrictive laws, that are professedly made with intention to bring a balance in our favor tiom our trade with foreign nations to be paid in mo.ey, and laus to prei ent the neCessity of exporting that woney, which if they could be thoroughly ex. cuteil, would make money as plenity and of as little value; I say, are not such laus akin to those Spanish cdicts; follies of the same family?
OF THE RETURNS FOR FOREIGN ARTICLES. In fact, the produce of other countries can hardly be obtamed, unless by fraud and rapine, without giving the prodeuce of our land or our industry in exchange for them. If we have mines of gold and silver, gold and sil: er may then be calied the produce of our land; if we have not, we can only fairly obtain those metals by giving for them the produce of our land or industry. When we have them, they are then only that produce or industry in another shape ; u hich we may give if the trade requires it and our other produce will not suit in exchange for the produce of some other country that fun.ish es what we have more occasiou for, or more desire. When we have, to an inconvenient degree, parted with our gold and silver, our industry is stimulated afresh to procure morc; that by its means we may contrive to procure the same ad vantages.
OF RESTRAINTS UPON COMMERCE IN TIME OF WAR.
When princes make war by prohibiting commerce, each may hurt himself as much as his enemy. 'Traders, who by their business are promoting the common good of mankind, as well as farmers and fishernen, who labor for the subsistence of all, should never be interrupted or inolested in their busitress, but enjoy the protection of all in the time of war, as well as in time of peace.
This policy, those we are pleased to call barbarians have in a great measure adopted : for the trading subjects of any power with whom the Emperor of Morocco way be at war, are not liable to capture, when within sight of his land, going or coming; and have otherwise free liberty to trade and reside in his domivions.
As a maritime power, we presume it is not thought right that Great Britain should grant such freedom except