He is

not embrace a course in negro newspaper reading. probably ignorant of the fact that "Our President" has become among many negro organs almost a stock description of the present Chief Executive of the United States. As regards the rather unique relation to the negro in which the President's course has naturally eventuated, probably more than upon any other one subject is there harmony of opinion between the American negro and the Southern white man. If he will carefully go through these proceedings, though he may be left rather hazy as to "How to Solve the Race Problem," if he be honest with himself and his question, the student will at least add something to his stock of knowledge on one of its very present and very acute phases-its relation to current American politics.

In The Negroes of Columbia, Missouri, Mr. Elwang has given us an excellent first hand study of the nineteen hundred negroes constituting the colored population of the University town of his State. The study of local conditions is, after all, the best study of the negro race as a whole, and this monograph is a contribution of value in this direction, and is entitled to more extended notice than is possible to accord it here.

The author's own words may be quoted as aptly descriptive of the conditions he discusses: "Politically, there is here the same partisan affiliation as elsewhere in the South. Socially there are exactly the same caste distinctions. Racially there is the same antipathy with tolerance. It is, in a word, the same old and seemingly so hopelessly complex problem of the childish race in competition with the manly." He thinks "we have taken hold of this entire negro problem at the wrong end," and that "it is high time to admit the error and begin aright."

THE NATIONAL ERA AN ABOLITION DOCU

MENT.

[The writer has no means of knowing how far the general public was taken into the confidence of Dr. Bailey with the letter of which a copy here follows. It would appear to be one of the many addressed to would-be friends of the principles which the paper was known to advocate. It was in a hand-writing quite different from that of the signature attached. The latter very closely resembles the autograph of Dr. Bailey himself, and is, doubtless genuine. The letter was among others in the private papers of the late ex-Senator James R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin. Although directed to no one, it is well known that Judge Doolittle was a strong sympathizer with the principles advocated by the National Era at the time mentioned. No doubt he was appealed to, with others, for assistance.

The National Era became an important organ of the Abolition Party in Washington in 1847. Its editor, Dr. Gamaliel Bailey, had been editor of the Methodist Protestant in Baltimore in 1836, and later, with James G. Birney, started the Philanthropist, an antislavery paper, in Cincinnati. The printing office and press of the latter were several times destroyed by mobs, but the publication of the paper was continued till 1847, when it was merged with the National Era. That office several times passed the ordeal of mob violence. It was managed with considerable enterprise till the death of its editor and proprietor.

The paper was the recognized organ of the anti-slavery party at the National Capital.

It published Harriet Beecher Stowe's romance of "Uncle Tom's Cabin" as a serial, commencing in 1851 and concluding in 1852.

Dr. Bailey was born in Mount Holly, New Jersey, December 3rd, 1807, and died at sea June 5th, 1859, while en route for Europe for his health.

MY DEAR SIR:

DUANE MOWRY,
Milwaukee, Wis.]

WASHINGTON, Oct. 1858.

Shall the National Era be continued? A strange question you may think in relation to a paper reputed to be so flourishing. Once it was flourishing but that time has gone by.

Commenced as the Pioneer Press of Liberty on slave soil, a general enthusiasm was awakened in its favor. Its struggle with the mob, and its triumph, which established in the

Capital of the Union, the Liberty of discussion, enlisted for it still further support.

As the Political Anti-Slavery feeling of the country extended, finding few papers to give it utterance, it naturally concentrated on the Era as its leading exponent. So its list went up to twenty-five thousand, an unprecedented number for a paper published in Washington City. But events soon occurred that reduced its patronage. First, its struggle to prevent the Anti-Slavery cause from being submerged by Know-Nothingism cost it several thousand subscribers. Next, the organization of the Republican Party, in the formation of which it had taken a leading part, brought into the field such a host of newspapers professing like principles, that very many of my readers withdrew from my support, for the purpose of subscribing to them. The Tribune, Post and Times, of New York, once in opposition, now coöperating with us, putting their large and excellent weeklies at $1. a year to clubs, which they were enabled to do by the rich advertising custom of their Dailies, everywhere underbid us, and subjected the Era to a competition hard to withstand. Beside, there were too many tender footed adherents of the new Party who were not unwilling that the paper should lose much of its prominence and influence.

The result has been a steadily decreasing list. Once the Era could boast its twenty-five thousand subscribers, to-day, it has but twelve thousand, a less number than at any time since the second year of its existence. If this process goes on, the paper must go down. Anti-Slavery men and Republicans do not understand this thing. They are under the false impression that I am growing rich and that the Era is established beyond possibility of failure. You have the real state of the case now before you. I want no charity, no contributions. I want and will have no patronage from Congress, no official patronage of any kind. The Era must live independently on the custom of its subscribers, or not at all.

I think it important that it should live. It was the first press to raise the standard of freedom in this Capital. Its success was the establishment of the right freely to discuss the Question of Slavery on slave soil. For twelve years it has been prominently identified with the Anti-Slavery movement. It represents specially the Anti-Slavery element of the Republican Party. It has been inflexibly true to its avowed principles and independent of mere Party organization. It has never been a burden to its friends, but always self-sustaining.

For twenty-two years have I devoted the best energies of my life as an Editor and Advocate to the cause of freedom, and I am anxious to continue in the work till flesh and heart fail.

The question then is distinctly presented to you and all its friends-shall the National Era be continued or not? What I can do to uphold it shall be done, but that will avail little without the prompt, energetic action of its friends. At every Post-Office there will be a falling off in the list unless someone shall take the trouble to see my subscribers, secure renewals, obtain new names and do what he can to arouse a sentiment in favor of the paper. A general and vigorous effort is absolutely necessary. Will you be the one to make it at your office? Will you spend a little time this fall to keep up the subscriptions? Last year during the hard times my friends promised much for this year. Will they make good the promises? Every facility you need shall be granted. List of subscribers shall be sent, if desired. The Era cannot stand against the competition of cheap papers unless its claims be presented early and urged strenuously.

If unable to do anything yourself, you are at liberty to show this letter to any true and discrete friend of the paper. For terms, &c., see printed enclosure.

Yours Truly,

G. BAILEY.

THE MEMOIRS OF JAMES MURRAY MASON, CONFEDERATE COMMISSIONER TO ENGLAND.

WALTER L. FLEMING, Professor of History, West Virginia University.

James M. Mason1 was born at his father's winter home in Georgetown, D. C., on November 3, 1798. He was one of the Virginia Masons descended from Colonel George Mason, a Cavalier officer who fled to Virginia after the death of Charles I. For two hundred years the Masons were prominent in Virginia politics. The subject of this memoir was educated at the University of Pennsylvania and at William and Mary College, and read law in the office of a relative in Richmond. After admission to the bar he began to practice his profession in Winchester, and soon afterward, in 1822, he married Miss Eliza Chew of Philadelphia. His legal career was that of the average successful lawyer of the time. He made enough money at the practice of law to support his family after he entered politics.

From the early letters of himself and wife we learn that they lived the simple home life of the Virginians. There was no display, no luxury, and few servants, Mr. Mason never owning enough slaves for his own domestic service, though he always had several decrepit pensioners to support. The servants, kindly treated, were devoted to their master and his family. Mrs. Mason's letters show that the family life was beautiful, and also that the negro servants were fairly worthless. Whenever she wished anything well done

'The Public Life and Diplomatic Correspondence of James M. Mason. With Some Personal History. By His Daughter [Miss Virginia Mason]. Cloth, Octavo, pp. IX+603. Price, $3.50. Roanoke, Virginia: The Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company. 1903.