societies we hear of the "Grove Hill Military Aid Society," and the "Suggsville Soldiers' Aid Society," both of Clarke county; the "Aid Society of Mobile;" the "Montgomery Home Society," and the "Soldiers' Wayside Home," in Montgomery; the "Wayside Hospital," and the "Ladies' Military Aid Society" of Selma; the "Talladega Hospital," the "Ladies' Humane Society," of Huntsville,18 and many others. The legislature gave financial aid to some of them. Societies were formed in every town, village and country settlement to send clothing, medicines and provisions to the soldiers in the army and to the hospitals. The members went to hospitals and parole camps for sick and wounded soldiers, took them to their homes and nursed them back to health. "Wayside Homes" were established in the towns for the accommodation of soldiers travelling to and from the army. Soldiers on sick leave and furlough who were cut off from their homes beyond the Mississippi came to the homes of their comrades sure of a warm welcome and kind attention until the shattered health was repaired. Poor soldiers sick at home were looked after and supplies sent to their needy families.

RELIEF OF SOLDIER'S FAMILIES.

The last year of the war a bushel of corn cost $13.00, while a soldier's pay was $11.00 a month, paid once in a while. So the poor people became destitute. But the State furnished meal and salt to all19 and the more fortunate people gave liberally of their supplies. Many of the poorer white women did work for others-weaving, sewing and spinning for which they were well paid, frequently in provisions, which they were in great need of. Some made hats, bonnets and baskets for sale. The cotton counties supported many refugees from the northern counties and many poor people from that section imposed upon the

"See Acts of Ala., Nov. 28 and 30, 1861; Dec. 9, 1862, and Dec. 8, 1863.

"It was estimated that one-fourth of the people of the State were furnished for three years with meal and salt.

generosity of the planting section. The overseers, white or black, had a dislike for those to whom supplies were given; they also objected to the regular payment of the tax-in-kind, and to impressment which took their corn, meat, horses, cows, mules, negroes, and crippled their operations. The mistresses had to interfere and see that the poor and the government had their share.

In the cities the women engaged in various patriotic occupations, sewing for the soldiers, nursing, raising money for hospitals, etc. The women of Tuskegee raised money to be spent on a gunboat for the defense of Mobile Bay. They wanted it called "The Women's Gunboat."20 "A niece of James Madison" wrote to a Mobile paper proposing that 200,000 women in the South sell their hair in Europe to raise funds for the Confederacy. The movement failed because of the blockade.21 There were other similar propositions, but they could not be carried out, and year after year the legislatures of the state thanked the women for their patriotic devotion, their labors, sacrifices, constancy, and courage.

CHANGING TEMPER OF THE PEOPLE.

The music and songs that were popular during the war show the changing temper of the people. At first were heard joyous airs, later contemptuous and defiant as war came on; then jolly war songs and strong hymns of encouragement. But as sorrow followed sorrow until all were stricken; as wounds, sickness, imprisonment and death of friends and relatives cast shadow over the spirits of the people; as hopes were dashed by defeat, and the consciousness came that perhaps after all the cause was losing,—the iron entered into the souls of the people. The songs were sadder now. The

20

Moore, Rebellion Record, Vol. IV, (1862).

"New York News, March 29, 1864, from the Richmond Whig, from the Mobile Evening News; oral accounts. There were numbers of women who actually cut off their hair thinking that it could be sold through blockade. For a while they were hopeful and enthusiastic in regard to the plan of selling their hair.

church hymns heard were the soul comforting ones and the militant songs of the other churchmen. The first year were heard "Farewell to Brother Jonathan," "We Conquer or We Die." Then "Riding a Raid," "Stonewall Jackson's Way," "All Quiet Along the Potomac," "Lorena," "Beecher Brook," "Somebody's Darling," "When the Cruel War is O'er," "Guide Me, O Thou Great Jehovah." Dixie was sung and played during the entire time, whites and blacks singing it with equal pleasure. The older solemn hymns were sung and the doctrines of faith and good works earnestly preached. The promises were perhaps more emphasized. A deeply religious feeling prevailed among the home workers for the cause.

The women had the harder task. The men were in the field in active service; their families were safe at home; there was no fear for themselves. The women lived in constant dread of news from the front; they had to sit still and wait; and their greatest comfort was the hard work they had to do. It gave them some relief from the burden of sorrow that weighed down the souls of all. To the very last, the women hoped and prayed for success, and failure, to many of them, was more bitter than death. The loss of their cause hurt them more deeply than it did the men who had the satisfaction of fighting out the quarrel, even though the other side was victorious.22

"P. A. Hague's Blockaded Family is the best account of life in Alabama during the War. Mrs. Clayton's Black and White Under the Old Regime is very good but brief. Our Women in the War is a valuable collection of articles by a number of women. Nearly all the incidents mentioned I have heard related by relatives and friends. John Holden, Unionist, by T. C. De Leon, gives a good account of rife in the hill country. Mary A. H. Gay's Life in Dixie During the War and Miller's History of Alabama give information based on personal experiences. A recent volume-South Carolina Women in the Confederacy-is a collection of contemporary accounts of life in the interior of the Confederacy and with names changed would describe perfectly well the conditions that existed in Alabama. Porcher's Resources of the Southern Fields and Forests, published in 1863, is a mine of information in regard to economic conditions in the South. Porcher quotes much from the newspapers and from correspondence. The second edition published in 1867 omits much of the more interesting material.

TEXAS REVOLUTION DOCUMENTS.

REASONS FROM BOTH SIDES IN THE TEXAS REVOLUTION-DOCUMENTS, 1835.

AMERICAN VIEWS.

[As so generally with Anglo-Saxon upheavals, the Texans placed their cause on the ground of justice. They claimed certain rights under the Mexican constitution, and they were willing to stake all in defense of their position. Some acts of agression mentioned in the following pages seemed to them to indicate the final destruction of their liberties. Like their forefathers they innately had “a decent respect to the opinions of mankind” that prompted them to state their reasons for action. Later they put forth their all-embracing official utterances like the Declaration of Independence but some of these earlier deliverances are sufficiently important to merit attention as types, if no more. The rhetoric is both turgid and awkward in the main, but the resolutions of the San Jacinto meeting of Aug. 8, 1835, may be considered scholarly, if we allow for the stress and excitement of the times. Although some of these documents have already been published, in a newspaper not readily accessible, they seem worthy of re-issue, especially in connection with the unpublished ones.]

DEAR JOHNSON:

MILAM TO JOHNSON.

PUNTO LAMPASES, July 5, 1835.

I hope you spent the 4th July pleasantly with your friends who feel some reverence for the day. As to myself, I cannot say that I enjoyed it. I got a bottle of vino muscale and drank to the Federal Constitution in all parts of America. I had no countrymen to join me or perhaps I should have done better.

We left Monclova on the 29th of May, and were taken prisoners on the 5th of June, at night, after we had encamped about eight leagues northwest of San Fernando. The troops had been viewing our march for the last day, and knew the only chance we had for water and placed them

selves in a situation to take possession of our horses as soon as it was dusk. In this situation we were obliged to surrender to twenty-five men—or savages, as we may more properly call them. Capt. Galar and Lieut. Roderiguiz commanded the party. They will be long remembered by your humble servant.

We were taken to San Fernando and kept in close confinement for one week-not permitted to write or speak to any person except in the presence of an officer, and then but in the Spanish language. From there we were taken to Rio Grande, where we were treated something better by Capt. Barigan. From Rio Grande to this place. At present we are under the charge of Col. Altapa, who is a gentleman and an officer, and gives every indulgence we ask for. From here we expect to be sent to Monterey to stand our trial, and I hope to be set at liberty. But all is uncertainty.

The whole of this part of the state has and will support the central Government. The Interior from the last information we have, has fallen into the central system, Santana is Dictator. The constitution is thrown away, and ridiculed by those who used to call themselves Federal Republicans.

The plan for the dissolution and destruction is laid, and every preparation is making for its execution. In the last ten days two hundred troops have left this quarter for San Antonio; and from the best information I can collect two thousand more will be on their march in a few weeks. Their intention is to gain the friendship of the different tribes of Indians, and if possible to get the slaves to revolt. These plans of barbarity and injustice will make a wilderness of Texas, and beggars of its inhabitants, if they do not unite and act with promptitude and decision. If the Federal system is lost in Texas, what will be our situation? worse than that of the most degraded slaves. The hopes of the Republican party here are all on Texas. I trust they will not be