pointed time to obtain a seat, or even standing room. The poor will, I suppose, always be found in London, but I cannot help thinking some organized effort might be made on their behalf, and after suitable tests they could have a better chance in other lands. I consider the cost of decent living in London is excessive, and feel more contented to reside in Australia, where provi Christian reformers, there is yet a great work to be done. It is appalling in the highest degree to see how vice and shame flaunt themselves by day and night in the great cities of England, and especially in London. Not in Whitechapel, Stepney, and Poplar districts only, but in such fashionable parts as Charing Cross, Piccadilly, and Oxford Street. I have been much impressed, however, by the vast number of Christian agencies in operation in and around London. In the churches, too, Isions, fruit, meat, and bread are cheaper. have observed, with much satisfaction, the spirit of devotion and reverence, particularly amongst young men and women, such as I have not seen elsewhere. Certainly this augurs well for the future. But I cannot fail to notice in many of the churches of the established order (Epis. copalian) the meagre attendances at the services. Are not these certain signs of disintegration, and will they not assuredly Shelters for the poor are doing a good hasten the disestablishment the and necessary work. The Salvation Army Church? I notice that popular services and others are entitled to much praise for elsewhere, adapted for the multitudes, are providing these useful places. I cannot well attended, and on several occasions I help feeling that General Booth and his have been obliged to attend from half to officers are on the right track for uplifting three-quarters of an hour before the ap- the fallen and outcast of London. of The omnibus traffic is wonderful and well regulated in the streets, and the fares remarkably cheap. I am astonished at the extent of parks and reserves in London, considering the high prices of land there; but I sincerely hope no attempt will be made to curtail the privileges of citizens in obtaining access to these beautiful grounds. CHARLES H. MATTERS. STORIES about the late Duke of Devon- last compelled to ask him to state his busiWe are few and far between, for the de-ness. To this query the colonel replied by eased nobleman, unlike many of his brother begging to be allowed to shake the duke by peers, was of a modest and retiring disposi- the hand, a request that was readily granted. on, and not given to any of those little eccen- Then he exclaimed: "Thank you, I feel exricities which biographers so eagerly seize tremely obliged to you. I have travelled some pon. One story, the truth of which is hundreds of miles to see a real live English youched for by one who ought to know, is, duke, but I never expected to be allowed the however, worth repeating. The duke, it may privilege of shaking one by the hand. Thank be mentioned, was a man of old-fashioned you so much. If ever you should be in Chi courtliness, and, like the poet Browning, was cago I trust you will allow me to again enjoy invariably the essence of politeness under all your society; my address is so-and-so, Twentyconditions. One day a visitor was announced nine Avenue." Then he took up his hat and at Chatsworth. The pasteboard of the un- departed, the duke bowing low as if he had known bore the name "Colonel So-and-So," been honored instead of having honored an and the bearer stated that he had come a American military pork colonel. long journey expressly to see the duke. His Grace, not knowing the colonel, despatched his secretary to interview the unknown, but that functionary soon returned with the information that the visitor, who appeared to be a gentleman, refused to disclose the nature of his business except to the owner of the house. The duke had him sent up to his library, and bowed low when he entered. Then he motioned the mysterious visitor to a chair, an invitation which the colonel did not accept. In fact, he stood bolt upright, and silently scrutinized the duke from head to foot. The strange behavior of the man began to grow embarrassing, and the duke was at A LITTLE story is told of the youthful queen of Holland, when she was about six or seven, which proves that the life of a princess is not quite a bed of roses. Once when seated at play with three of her dolls, one of the wax babies misbehaved itself, and the little princess held up a warning finger, saying sternly: "If you are so naughty I shall make you into a princess, and then you won't have any other little children to play with, and you'll always have to throw kisses with your hand whenever you go out driving." Fifth Series, Volume LXXVIII. } No. 2503.-June 18, 1892. { From Beginning, CONTENTS. I. THE GERMAN CRISIS And the EmpEROR, New Review, 707 714 TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. For EIGHT DOLLARS remitted directly to the Publishers, the LIVING AGE will be punctually forwarded for a year, free of postage. Remittances should be made by bank draft or check, or by post-office money-order, if possible. If neither of these can be procured, the money should be sent in a registered letter. All postmasters are obliged to register letters when requested to do so. Drafts, checks, and money-orders should be made payable to the order of LITTELL & Co. Single copies of the LIVING AGE, 18 cents. I give thee rainbowed hope to be thy shroud; I lay the beauty that maketh women proud On thy dead heart: I set my girlhood's glee In that strait bed which now doth compass thee, Immortal as I thought, to mortal bowed, With all thy supreme godhead disallowed. Dead Love, dead Love, and what shall comfort me? What new fresh loveliness will yet arise What blossom of glory from his grave shall Wine in the merry cup will charm my pain, But while my hand holds up the cup it drains, I will not look and see it with the eyes him. (From the Hungarian of Alexander Petöfi.) OFT in my musings I am idly tossed; Now here, now there, and feel my fancy lost. Across our native land my path I trace; Nay-earth and sky, and all beside embrace. My songs, which from these idle musings spring, Are but fantastic moonbeams as I sing. Yet why with mystic dreams in slumber sink? My songs, while woful sights the bosom wring, Are heavy clouds about me as I sing. But wherefore do our people bide the chain? Academy. ON THE THAMES EMBANKMENT. Behold a silent world of waters wide, The sleeping bridges, mute as in a dream, This alchemy of heaven upon the earth! Night makes her music of the city's mirth, Ah! would the cosmic powers that rule our so thy failures, Love, and And weave from out the broken threads of life A tapestry divine. From The New Review. THE GERMAN CRISIS AND THE EMPEROR. party, it was also thought necessary to find some connection between the late imperial speech and these occurrences. And so, IT has been my general experience to judging from various information, the find that foreign nations, even among their prevailing impression of the moment in most politically enlightened circles, know England is that a Socialist insurrection is very little of the political situation in impending in Germany, and that the emGermany. Hence it is that isolated occur-peror is preparing to overcome it by the rences which may happen to strike their introduction of a monarchical dictatorship. particular attention are for the most part Whoever reads these sensational accounts judged from a false point of view, because easily falls into such misconceptions, and taken without reference to their insepara- is led to believe in a critical state of affairs ble connection with the underlying ele- which really does not exist. Let it be ment of dramatis personæ and conditions. distinctly understood, however, that not I am almost of opinion that in this defi- only is the great party of the Social Demciency of knowledge the English are ocrats far removed from these street riots, greater offenders than the French, whom but that the same come in very awkwardly the last war and its consequences obliged for them. Also, and this is an important to bestow particular attention on the polit- point, that this party has of late years, and ical events of Germany. What chiefly more especially since the repeal of the deters the English mind from following exceptional laws, withdrawn itself more German affairs with any interest is the and more from the revolutionary movestate of tutelage in which, according to ment, and its increase in the elections and their impression, Germans are kept by in its Parliamentary representation has their government. They look down with strongly contributed to this. It has gained contemptuous pity on the childlike atti- greatly thereby in consideration and influtude of German representative bodies ence, which are too much prized by its towards their grandmotherly régime, and political leaders for them to set them at set little value on their acts. They are all stake by revolutionary methods and prothe more impressed by the isolated appa- ceedings. The thirty-five members of the rition, which, rising suddenly and clearly Social Democratic party (or Fraktion, to defined out of a cloud-capped, turbid sea, use the technical expression) play quite a rouses their sympathy by this very mani- different part in the Imperial Diet than festation of superior power. Thus it is, they ever did before, since the foundation for instance, that their attention is riveted of the North German Federation in the by the commanding figure of Prince Bis- year 1867. The very fact that, since the marck. Since he sank into the back-elections of 1890, their places, theretofore ground, the most striking and conspicuous high up behind the Mountain in the appearances of late have been the young Chamber of Representatives, have been emperor and the party of the Social Dem- changed, and that we now find many ocrats. A few weeks ago these two ele- among them occupying seats farther down, ments of German politics once more gave right opposite the front bench of the min. occasion for sensational notices and, there-isterial side of the House, is highly notewith, for questions as to their significance worthy as evidence of the growing prestige and importance. As was to be expected of the party. Treated for twenty-five from the above-mentioned defective insight into their connection with, and exact bearing upon, the general situation, foreign public opinion formed a distorted and exaggerated estimate of them. The late street riots in Berlin were falsely ascribed to outbreaks of the Social Democrats; and, just as these riots were brought into a false relationship with the Democratic years, more especially by the Conservatives, as a species of outlaws with whom the latter could only associate under strained relations, they have ultimately secured a position of perfect equality for themselves. They form a section which is represented in the committees of the House, and command an adequate number of signatures to enable them to introduce independent motions. What is more important than this formal extension of rights is that they are treated by the ministers, the federal councillors, and even by their Conservative colleagues, with the same friendly consideration as is accorded to any other party. And as they possess great talent, industry, and zeal, they really inspire respect. It was lately reported that the president of the Reichstag, Herr von Levezow, a staunch Conservative, declared in a private conversation that, in his opinion, Herr Bebel was the first orator in the House. Opinions may differ on the subject, but this utterance is significant as marking the consideration which Herr Bebel's party has succeeded in obtaining for itself. Of course in like measure, with this improved condition, and by a process of mutual reaction, the manners and procedure of the Socialist members have undergone a considerable change. Very seldom, and then only from novices among them, are heard expressions provocative of vexatious and inflammatory speeches. Very often their motions bring important and solid material under discussion. Not a few of them are distinguished by their culture in political economy and by elegance of expression, while others whose social position would hardly justify such an expectation, as, for instance, the former ship's cook, Schwarz, or the workman in cigars, Molkenbuhr, frequently delight the House by a staid, measured, pertinent delivery. There is not a trace of their former truculent demeanor on entering the House. Even in their outer man there is a wholesome change, and the bare-necked, sinister figures of a Hasselmann or a Most never now offend the eye. The House has to deal with quiet, sensible citizens whose idiosyncrasy has no affinity for barricades and rifle-shots, but rather for a peaceful life in the bosom of their families, and who enjoy their celebrity, without on that account renouncing their Socialistic views. Ils sont arrivés, as a Frenchman would say. It is true we hear the objection made that behind this party, duly represented and acknowledged in Parliament, there crowds a surging throng which has no cause for similar satisfaction, and which forms the senseless, fermenting element, eager for violence and destruction, and that at a given moment this insurrectionary contingent would carry away the masses with it and fling the moderate leaders overboard. But this assertion rests on an imperfect knowledge of the actual conditions of the case. In fact, the thirty-five members have by far the greater part of their electors on their side, and their moral ascendency is in no way imperilled. The latter rests not only on their capital of acquired consideration and influence and on their qualifications, but also most decidedly on the circumstance that the greater part of the constituents do not go so far as their elected members. For out of the number of one million four hundred thousand Socialistic votes recorded in February, 1890 (a larger poll than that of any other single party), probably not more than one-half are thorough-going advocates of the Democratic programme, but simply malcontents, who have no thought of overturning the exist ing order of things. Moreover, if the party has attained to a certain degree of repose and contentment, it must not be inferred that this arises solely from motives of self-complacency and personal feeling. It has far deeper and weightier reasons for satisfaction, for it has in effect gained admittance for its principles into the imperial legislation, and in such wise, too, that henceforth it will be difficult to prevent farther Socialistic developments, all the more so because other nations have been tempted to imitate the example of Germany. We learn this from the motions brought forward in the French and English Houses of Parlia ment for legalized State insurance for the working classes. German Socialists, therefore, are quite right in asserting that they gave Prince Bismarck the first impulse in the direction of his so-called Socialistic legislation. In 1878 Bismarck set out with the con viction that there was but one remedy against the Social Democrats, namely, suppression by force carried to its extreme limits. He hoped to utterly exterminate them. As a counter-demonstration for the relief of the public conscience, he offered the various stages of the insurance laws; 1 |