not only encouraged Sacheverell to publish his discourse, but accepted a dedication still more violent and inflammatory than the performance itself. The merit of both was magnified by the tories, and forty thousand copies are said to have been circulated in a few weeks".

No literary production ever perhaps attracted so much attention as this scurrilous sermon, which had no kind of excellence to recommend it, except what it derived from the spirit of party. It divided the opinions of the nation: and Sacheverell himself, extolled by the tories as the champion of the church, now on the brink of ruin! and execrated by the whigs as an enemy to the revolution, as an advocate for persecution and despotism, and a devoted friend to the pretender, was thought of sufficient consequence to be made the object of a parliamentary persecution! That was what he desired above all things, and what the ministry ought studiously to have avoided; but they allowed, on this occasion, their passion to overcome their prudence. Godolphin being personally attacked in the sermon, was highly irritated against the preacher: and as the offence was not deemed punishable by common law, it was resolved to proceed by impeachment. Sacheverell was accordingly taken into custody, by command of the house of commons: articles were exhibited against him at the bar of the house of lords, and a day was appointed for his trial, which, to complete the folly of this impolitic measure, was ordered to be in Westminster-hall, that the whole body of the commons might be present12.

The people are often wrong in their judgment, but al ways just in their compassion, though that sentiment is sometimes misplaced. Their compassion was roused for Sacheverell, whom they considered as an innocent victim; a meritorious individual, doomed to be crushed by the arm of power, for daring to tell the truth. They forgot all his slavish doctrines: they remembered only his violent declamations, 12. Burnet, book vii.

11. Burnet, ubi sup.

in

in regard to the danger of the church and monarchy: and they saw him exposed, as they imagined, to persecution for his honest boldness! They now believed more than they formerly feared. Neglecting their private affairs, and all the common avocations of life, their concern was turned wholly toward public welfare. Many, who seldom entered the church, trembled for the safety of the established religion. They wandered about in silent amazement, anxiously gazing on each other, and looking forward to the trial of Sacheverell, as if the fate of the nation or of nature depended upon the awful decision.

When the day arrived, the populace assembled in vast crowds, and attended the criminal to Westminster-hall. During the whole course of his trial, which lasted three weeks, they continued the same attentions; and, in the height of their frantic zeal, they destroyed several dissenting meetinghouses, insulted a number of non-conformists, some whig members of the house of commons, and committed a variety of other outrages. London was a scene of anarchy and confusion. At last Sacheverell was found guilty; but the lenity of his sentence, in consequence of the popular tumult, was considered as a kind of triumph by the tories. He was only suspended from preaching for three years, without being precluded from preferment, his sermon being ordered to be burnt by the hands of the common hangman'3. The famous decree of the university of Oxford, passed in 1683, recognizing the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, was also, by a vote of the lords, ordered to be burnt at the same time14.

The mildness of Sacheverell's punishment was justly ascribed, by the populace, to the timidity, not to the moderation of the ministry. Proud of their victory, they every where expressed their joy on the occasion, by bonfires and illuminations; and notwithstanding the vote of the lords, ad

13. Id. Ibid.

14. Journals of the Lords, March, 1710.

dresses

dresses were sent from all parts of the kingdom, asserting the absolute power of the crown, and condemning the doctrine of resistance, as the result of antimonarchical and republican principles15. Of these principles the whigs, as a body, were violently accused by the heads of the tories, who now wholly engrossed the confidence of their sovereign, and inspired her with jealousies of her principal servants.

The queen herself, who had long affected to adopt measures which she was not permitted to guide, was glad of an opportunity of freeing herself from that political captivity, in which she was held by her popular and too powerful ministers. She accordingly took advantage of this sudden and extraordinary change in the sentiments of the people, in order to bring about a total change of the persons employed in the administration of her government. The duke of Shrewsbury, who had distinguished himself in the cause of Sacheverell, was made chamberlain, in the room of the earl of Kent: Godolphin received an order to break his staff, as lord treasurer of Great-Britain; the treasury was put in commission: and Harley, as a prelude to higher promotion, was appointed chancellor of the exchequer; while his friend, St. John, succeeded Mr. Boyle as secretary of state. The duke of Marlborough alone, of the whole party to which he belonged, remained in office; and that mark of distinction he owed to his own high reputation, not to the favour or forbearance of his enemies. Though his fall was already determined on, they were afraid that the temper of the people was not yet sufficiently prepared for the removal of so great a commander16.

Marlborough, whose character is one of the most complicated in modern history, appears to have been fully sensible of his own consequence, as well as of the dangerous designs of the new ministry. At the same time that he was making professions of attachment to the court of St. Germains1?,

15. Burnet, book vii. 17. Stuart Papers, 1710.

VOL. IV.

16. Id. Ibid. State of Europe, 1710.

3 D

(though

(though for what purpose, it is impossible to determine) he wrote in the following strong terms to the elector of Hanover, with the interests of whose family, he said, he considered those of his country and of all Europe to be inseparably connected. I hope," adds he, "the English nation will not permit themselves to be imposed upon by the artifice of Harley and his associates. Their conduct leaves no doubt of their design of placing the pretended prince of Wales on the throne. We feel too much already their bad intentions and pernicious views. But I expect to be able to employ all my attention, all my credit, and that of my friends, in order to advance the interest of the electoral family, and to prevent the destructive councils of a race of men, who establish principles and form cabals, which will otherwise infallibly overturn the protestant succession, and with it the liberty of their country and the freedom of Europe18.

The new ministry were no less liberal in their declaration of attachment to the house of Hanover'9; and Harley soon after appointed lord treasurer, and created earl of Oxford, and Mortimer, was perhaps sincere in his professions. Bred up in the notions of the presbyterians, to which he still adhered, and perhaps tinctured with republican principles, he had only made use of the high-church party as a ladder to his ambition: and although a sincere friend to the protestant succession, he was accused, from this circumstance, of abetting the hereditary descent of the crown, and all the maxims of arbitrary power.

In consequence of these appearances, the pretender was encouraged to write to his sister queen Anne. He put her in mind of the affection that ought to subsist between two persons so nearly related; he recalled to her memory her repeated promises to their common parent:-" To you,” said he, and to you alone, I wish to owe eventually the

19. Id. Ibid.

18. Original letters in the Hanover Papers, 1710. 20. Stuart and Hanover Papers. See also Bolingbroke's Letter to sir William Wyndham, and the Duke of Berwick's Mem. vol. ii.

throne

throne of my fathers. The voice of God and of nature are loud in your ear! the preservation of our family, the preventing of intestine wars, and the prosperity of our country, combine to require you to rescue me from afflic tion, and yourself from misery. Though restrained by your difficult situation, I can form no doubt of your prefering a brother, the last male of an ancient line, to the remotest relation we have in the world. Neither you nor the nation have received any injury at my hands: therefore, Madam, as you tender your honour and happiness -as you love your family-as you revere the memory of your father as you regard the welfare and safety of a great people, I conjure you to meet me, in this friendly way of composing our difference!-The happiness of both. depends upon your determination:-you have it in your power to deliver me from the reproach that invariably follows unfortunate princes, and to render your own memory dear to posterity"1.?

But whatever effect the warm remonstrances of a brother might have on the mind of the queen of England, the solicitations of his agents made no impression on her prime minister. Harley is said even to have been hitherto ignorant of the sentiments of his mistress, in regard to the succession of the crown. He knew that, with a natural jealousy of her own authority, she was averse against the appearance of the legal successor in the kingdom; but a more intimate acquaintance, if not a more perfect confidence, only made him sensible, that she wished to leave, at her death, the sceptre in the hands of the pretender22. He was too far engaged, and too fond of power, to retreat. He hoped however, instead of injuring the protestant cause, more effectually to secure, by his eminent station, the succession of the house of Hanover, and with it the religion and liberties of his country. He was, therefore, under the necessity of ac

21. Stuart Papers.

22. MS. in the possession of Mr. Macpherson. commodating