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Patrick Callaghan, and lance Sergeant Benjamin Holdick, slightly; Corporal Daniel Tierney and Privates Jeremiah Leary, severely Wm. Mortile, Wm. Hanley, Wm. Dagan, Edward Bloomfield, Thomas Steadman, Thomas Graham. Thomas O'Reilly, Henry Adams, James Mc Cann, John Cronan, Wm. Mara, Michael Conway, and John Cain, slightly. 62d: Private James Strangford, dangerously. 63d: Privates Richard Caffrey, Francis Lakey, and Richard Muleahey, slightly. 72d: Lance Sergeant John McGilvray, slightly; Privates John Campbell, severely; Hugh McKee, dangerously. 79th Privates Robert Rea, slightly; John Urquhart, dangerously. 89th Corporal Matthew Burke, dangerously. 95th: Private James Swan, slightly.

AUG 5-3d Foot; Sergeant Thomas Creaven; Privates Thomas Milton, and Duncan M'Crea, slightly. 7th Foot: Privates James Johnson, Henry Birch, and William Clements, slightly. 17th Foot: Private Michael Walsh, slightly. 23d: Private Levi Ball, slightly. 30th Private Matthew Long, slightly. 31st: Private Joseph Rennox, slightly. 33d: Private Denis Ryan, mortally; Patrick Brazel, and Thomas Walker, dangerously. 34th: Private James Thompson, slightly. 38th: Privates Joseph Linnahan and Patk. Mayle, slightly. 44th: Private John Leahy, severely. 77th: Private Wm. Carr, slightly. 90th: Private Joseph Crowick, slightly. 95th: Privates George Shearman, dangerously; John Smith, slightly. 2d Battalion Rifle Brigade: Private Thomas Hathaway, slightly.

Nominal return of Non-commissioned Officers and Privates Wounded, from August 6 to August 9, inclusive:-4th FootSergeant Michael Mc Leod and Private Peter Mc Arragher, slightly. 7th Private Edward Byrne, severely. 14th-Private James Beattie, slightly. 17th-Private John Kearns, severely. 18th-Private, Thomas McMahon, severely. 19th Private Joseph Holyoake, severely. 34th-Private Thomas White, severely._46th-Private Joseph Papworth, slightly. 68th-Privates Wm. Gorry, severely; James Delany and Thos. Wyatt, slightly. 1st Battalion Rifle Brigade-Privates Cornelius Cleus, dangerously; Peter McDonnell and Robert Matthews, slightly. 2d Battalion Rifle BrigadePrivate John Green, slightly. Royal Artillery-Corporal Robert Taylor, severely; Gunner W. Collins, slightly. 1st Battalion Coldstream Guards-Privates John Hartlane, John Doherty, William Smith, and John Russell, severely; William Andrew, slightly; James Alexander, and David Thompson, dangerously. 2d Battalion 1st Foot-Private James Larkey, severely. 4th-Sergeant John Hodgin, severely; Private Samuel Stevens, slightly. 31st-Privates Henry Paris and Richard Cooke, slightly. 42d-Privates Donald McDonald, James Logan, and John Formby, slightly. Duncan M'Dougall, Festus Hennua, and Neil McNeil, severely. 48thSergeant Michael Kennedy and Private H. McManus, severely. 17th-Lance Corporal John Fowler, severely. 19th-Privates Fred. Osborne, mortally; David Cooper, slightly; Michael Lyden, severely. 33d Foot-Private James Smith, slightly. 41st-Privates Thomas Bolter and Joseph Wilton, dangerously; James Pace and

Alfred Reed, severely; Michael Richardson, John Bannister and Richard Dunnigan, slightly. 46th-Private George Pullen, severely. 49th-Privates James Lennon, severely; Peter Reilly and James Handlin, slightly. 57th-Private Richard Keefe, severely. 63d— Private Hugh Godwin, slightly. 77th-Lance Corporal Ben Hands, severely; Privates Peter McCabe and George Barber slightly. 88th-Privates Samuel Provens, severely; Patrick Hurtney, slightly. 90th-Privates Patrick Burke, Matthew Elvin and Wm. Pearce, severely; John Hines, slightly; and Jas. Coonan, dangerously. 97th-Privates Wm. Philips, Henry M'Allister, and Jas. Ratcliffe, slightly.

We are sensible that in giving the foregoing lists, and commenting upon them, we have been straying somewhat from the direct course of our subject. But all those who have felt, as every Irishman worthy of the name must have felt, that the gallantry of our countrymen in the Crimea has not been permitted to be known in England, and thus that a crying injustice is done to them, will excuse the brief digression into which we were betrayed by our anxiety to draw attention to the only record within our power to obtain-one that is painful, indeed, to peruse, but most honorable to our country, and established in its facts beyond the power of the most ingenious and artful disputant to controvert.

If a separate military force were to be constituted for Ireland, without any connexion or admixture with the military force of Great Britain, we should not hesitate to chime in with the loudtongued advocates of the system of promotion from the ranks; as we believe that quite as good a class of men, nay, even a better, could be induced to enter, if assured of as good pay, &c. &c., as the Irish Constabulary, to which we have before made reference. But, as we have already stated, such a recruitment would be most difficult in England and Scotland, and as the idea of a separate military establishment for any one of the three countries is absolutely impracticable, and not for one moment admissible, the fine theory of opening the way to the soldier to rise to the higher grades of his profession, loses its last support, and utterly falls to the ground.

What then is to be done? To this despairing question of the disappointed theorist we reply at once-simply improve the condition of the soldier in the points that come home to his every-day existence and ordinary habits of life. Apply the commonest principles that regulate demand and supply in the ordinary concerns and businesses of existence to his case. As his value has risen in the market, let his price rise also and you

will secure a good article. Increase then the bounty, and, as we have in a paper in last REVIEW recommended, let that bounty be paid to him either all at once, or in larger and more rapidly succeeding instalments than at present.

Upon this latter point we cannot too much insist. We never yet heard an officer of any experience allude to this topic without concurring in the one opinion, that the present system, with regard to the bounty, is little better than a swindle, and breeds a discontent exceedingly injurious to the prospects of further recruitment.

After the question of the bounty to the private on first entering the service, come those of his pay while in it, the rewards given him from time to time during service, and finally those which are promised to him at its termination. As to his pay while serving, a step has been recently taken which is certainly in the right direction, although as yet on too limited a scale. We allude to the recent provision made for additional pay to men serving in the Crimea, with power and facilities to allot it to the support of their wives and families at home. But this boon is restricted to men actually in the field; and it is further limited by being denied to men in hospital, whether from wounds or disease, although they have just been brought in from the presence of the enemy.

After five years' service, provided the soldier has managed for at least two years of that period to keep himself out of the "Regimental Defaulter's Book"-i.e., the record of grave offences against discipline, &c., &c., he may be granted what is called Good Conduct pay, of an extra penny a day. After ten years' service 2d., and after fifteen years' service 3dwith, as before, the condition of not being in the "Defaulter's Book" of the Regiment. This inducement to good conduct is not only small in itself, but has the additional disadvantage of being most precarious, as a chance absence for a few hours. without leave, or an appearance of being affected by liquor, in the judgment of, perhaps, a rough and surly non-commissioned officer or other casual offence, may at once cause the soldier to be deprived of his Good Conduct pay even after fifteen years of careful self-government and watching.

The moral then of our paper is-be more generous to the Soldier, and, depend on it, in the day of battle he will remember it, and pay the boon with his best blood!


History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon in 1815, to the Accession of Louis Napoleon in 1852. By Sir Archibald Alison, Bart. D.C.L. Author of the "History of Europe from the commencement of the French Revolution in 1789, to the Battle of Waterloo," &c., &c. Vol. IV. William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London, 1855.

Notwithstanding our loyalty to imperial interests, there is a something provincial, whether in our position or ourselves, that occasionally collects the vagabond fervours of our patriotism into a focus; and thus it is that amidst the grandeur of a book that purports to be the History of Europe, we confess to the littleness of being attracted most strongly to what concerns Ireland.-Here, as in many other instances, we are indebted to our fellow subjects in North Britain, for an application to Irish questions, sufficient in degree and remarkable in kind. For kidnapping our saints, or larceny of our music, for wriggling into our places, or taking away our character, the northern genius is without a rival, and it is beautiful to see the national capacity dilate or contract to the exact requirements of the national greed

What the de'il mon, a pasty, re-echoed the Scot,

Tho' splittin' I'll still keep a corner for thot.

And a tolerably spacious corner Sir Archibald Alison has kept for Ireland, in the portion of his history before us, which covers the eventful years from 1825 to 1832. Indeed if we take Ireland to represent the venison (she is admittedly game of some sort or other), not only the haunch, but the entire animal, horns included, would seem to have been worked up into Sir Archibald's pasty. Underneath its prodigious crust lie mashed and macerated the politics small and great of the island we live in, be-policied amongst all the islands of articulately-speaking men; and we have a final disposal of the Irish question, that question whose difficulties we once thought might abash the self-conceit of the most self-sufficient Scot alive, and which still continues to be the heart-break of every government, that will or will not deal with its complications-Sir

Archibald, however, thinks otherwise-differences of views, penal laws, agitation in general, emancipation, tithe riots, whiteboyism, orangeism, romanism, anglicanism, repeal and rebellion are bolted without any straining or unusual play of muscle that we can discern. Contrary to the habits of the python family, Sir Archibald does not condescend to lubricate his victim, nor is there a solitary application of the blarney that so commonly precedes the severe things it is fashionable to say of Ireland.

To the extent of this last feature in the History, we have reason to be grateful to Sir Archibald Alison for not conforming to the vulgar notion of what is due to Ireland, a notion the Irish themselves have fatally encouraged. A tag of green, a sprig of shamrock and a mouthful of sentiment, have hitherto wrought like a spell upon the confidence of Ireland, as if a mean heart became more generous for being overlaid with clover, though perhaps "it lurked beneath a star," nay though the owner were a king or a viceroy, or what is more to our purpose a book-seller or a book-seller's man. Sir Archibald Alison, whatever be his faults, is honorably distinguished from that class of people, a nuisance everywhere, but more than usually noxious here. You meet them rancid with the oil of smoothness, and oozing the milk of kindness in a way to be detected by the naked eye; you give them credit for fairness and friendliness on their asking; and you are rewarded with a few trashy and malevolent sheets, juggled into the dimensions of a book, such as Head or Trollope only can produce, emblazoned with the national emblems, and bound according to invariable precedent in cloth of the national colour, a graceful tribute to the verdure of the Island, but severely allusive to the like quality in the inhabitants.


Once down we may suppose the meal, substantial as it is, to sit lightly upon the stomach of so mighty a feaster. angularities are quickly triturated by the action of that organ, the angry and hostile anomalies that bristled on its surface and all pointed in different directions, assume a symmetry and homogeneity difficult to conceive, and under the same process which converted Grattan into the sternest supporter of the union, Martin Luther ought to become the champion of the papacy against the assaults of Ignatius of Loyola.

Sir Archibald Alison is, for aught we know, a perfectly well-meaning writer, his simplicity is an argument of his ear

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