trembled lest punishment should yet be meted out to them. The marshals and generals who had received large estates from Napoleon, in the different conquered provinces, now separated from France, as a compensation for their valuable services, felt great disquietude at the thought of being deprived of them, and left in their old age without the means of support. The army, driven back into France in disgrace, was almost in despair, and ready for any change of fortune that might enable them to regain the laurels they had lost. The excitement of the camp and the battle-field, the march and the bivouac, were now at an end, and distributed in the various provincial towns, they were compelled to lead an inactive life. The tens of thousands of workmen who had been employed on the different public works in the various provinces now severed from the Empire, came flocking in crowds to Paris. The palace of the Tuilleries was besieged from morning until night by clamorous crowds-the republicans asking for employment and relief-while the royalists, who had shared a twenty-five year's exile with their monarch, demanded some remuneration for the losses they had sustained. With an empty treasury, and no immediate means of supplying it, it was impossible to answer these pressing demands. The army was several months in arrears in their pay, and both officers and men were loud and angry in their claims. In this state of affairs, the course pursued by the Bourbons in the administration of the government, was weak in the extreme. The king, trying to please everybody, pleased nobody. He worked to retain in office all the imperial functionaries whom he knew were much more competent to manage affairs than his own friends, the royalists. At this the latter were highly displeased, and considered themselves but illy repaid for all the sufferings and privations they had endured for their exiled king.

The army was treated in a manner well calculated to create discontent. The national colors, which had become an object almost of holy reverence to the French soldiers, and which were associated with all their victories and glorious memories, were abolished, and the white flag of the hated Bourbons substituted in their stead. The organization of the army was changed, and in such a manner that the different corps almost entirely lost their old identity under their new names. The numbers of the different regiments of infantry, artillery and cavalry, were altered, thereby, in a great measure, destroying the association of names with their former achievements, and even reducing the imperial veterans to a level with the newly-raised recruits. The eagles were wrested from the standards, but generally concealed by the officers; and the tri-color cockade, which the men were now forbidden to wear, was hidden by them in their knapsacks. The tri-color standards, which had waved in triumph over so many victorious fields, were ordered to be given up, but the soldiers generally burned them, saying they would, at least, preserve their ashes. The grades of all the officers were changed, substituting those of the old monarchy. The old imperial guard, which had always occupied the post of honor at the palace, were removed, and their place supplied by the Swiss guard, and other foreign troops. Neither the officers nor soldiers were allowed to make any allusion to the name of the Emperor. The army was much reduced-first, to one hundred and forty thousand, and then to eighty thousand men. An ordinance was passed which placed every officer not in actual employment, on half pay, and those who were not in active service

were forbidden to reside at Paris, unless already living there. These changes had a powerful effect on the troops, and they brooded over their wrongs in sullen silence. All parties laid aside their previous animosities, and directed their combined efforts to make the new government unpopular, hoping by this means to overthrow it. They found fault with everything that was done, and took care always to throw the blame on Louis. Although the king had selected able men for his cabinet, yet the steady opposition they encountered from all parties, brought his government into difficulty daily. The errors of his civil administration were numerous, and contributed towards his downfall. An ordinance was passed prohibiting the ordinary work on Sunday, which caused a large portion of the lower classes to murmur. During the days of the revolution and the empire, they had been allowed to pursue their labor on all days alike, and now they did not like this restraint. The old noblesse treated the wives of the nobles of the empire with marked disrespect, and none of them were allowed situations in the household. The king abolished the order of the Legion of Honor for that of Saint Louis. This measure was very unpopular with the officers and soldiers, many of whom had been decorated with the former for their bravery on the field of battle. While the king wished to conciliate the imperialists, and have their aid in the administration of affairs, he took no pains to conceal from them his aversion to the principles of the revolution. In fine, Louis possessed neither the courage nor the ability to contend successfully with all these difficulties, and it is not at all surprising that he gave way under them.

While the French King was then endeavoring to heal up the wounds caused by the revolution, and to establish order in his dominions, events of the most vital importance were taking place in another quarter of Europe. We allude to the Congress of Vienna.

The allied sovereigns originally intended that the Congress should meet about the latter end of July, (1814), but by reason of their visit to England, and their return to their own capital, it was not convened until about the first of the following November. Probably no legislative body of men, which have assembled in Europe in modern times, have attracted more attention than this Congress of Sovereigns at Vienna. The eyes of the whole civilized world were upon them, and it was expected that their proceedings would have an important bearing on the general welfare of Europe. But the true cause of their meeting was very different from that alleged, and as much as they endeavored to conceal it, they were unable to hide from the people of Europe the real objects they had in view. For many years previous to the overthrow of Napoleon, liberal principles had been gradually making their way among the people of Europe. Kings were denied the divine right to rule. The people were becoming awakened to a sense of their own legitimate rights, and were determined to loose the shackles which had hung around them, and to stand forth as their own masters. They now began to feel within them, that the same hand which had made them immortal, also made them free. Their hearts beat a hearty response to the sentiments which the western winds wafted from their brethren in the new world, and like them, they desired to say who should be their rulers and make their laws. This freedom of thought-this newborn energy which was quickening in the hearts and in the minds of the people, made the monarchs of Europe tremble. To meet a crisis like

this, and also to arrange matters arising out of the Treaty of Paris, were the immediate causes which induced the assembling of the Congress of Vienna.

They there formed the "balance of power," which, in plain English, is nothing more nor less than a union of the most powerful states of Europe, who pledged themselves to use their combined force to put down any attempt of the people to reform their governments. This combination of kings against the liberties of the people, was remodelled at Paris in 1815, after Napoleon's second abdication, under the name of the "Holy Alliance," at which time their political principles were promulgated to the world. This "Holy Alliance" (unholy it should have been called), since that time has had two important meetings, one at Trappeau in Austrian Silesia, in 1820, after the close of the Neapolitan revolution-and the other Layback, in January, 1821. Among other matters which claimed the attention of the allied sovereigns at Vienna, was the disposition of a territory containing more than thirty millions of people, which was to be divided among them for their services in dethroning Napoleon. They found as much difficulty in agreeing about the disposal of this territory, as the French king had in organizing his government. It was found almost impossible to satisfy the various interests which were claiming indemification, each demanding more than the others were willing to allow. The alliance was completely broken for a time-the breach was widened daily, and nothing but the sudden return of Napoleon from Elba at this juncture of affairs, prevented an open rupture between the allied sovereigns.

The

The Emperor of Russia claimed the whole of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw as an indemnification for the losses he had sustained, and said it would be worth his crown and throne to return home without an adequate remuneration. In support of this claim, he offered a very potent argument, which was, that he had three hundred thousand troops ready to march, at a moment's warning, to any point in Europe. In this demand Alexander was supported by the King of Prussia, who was wholly in his interest. France, Austria and England opposed these ambitious views. The divisions ran high, and each party prepared for war. Emperor Alexander halted all his troops who were returning to Russia, in Poland, and the Grand Duke Constantine, who commanded them, issued a flaming proclamation to the Poles, telling them that the Emperor wished to restore to them their old nationality, calling upon them to rally around his standard. In the meantime a secret treaty had been concluded between Austria, England and France, and signed at Vienna the 3d day of February, 1815, by which the contracting parties mutually pledged themselves to support each other, in case of war, and to carry out in full force the treaty of Paris. Affairs were in this situation when the news was brought to Vienna, that Napoleon had secretly left Elba, and had landed on the coast of France. It was like a bomb-shell in the camp of the allies-all was consternation and alarm. Minor difficulties were healed at once, and they thought only of preparing to meet their common enemy. The Congress soon adjourned, and the sovereigns hastened to their respective capitals, to prepare for the conflict. The news of the return of Napoleon astonished all Europe, and so well aware were the allies of the danger that menaced them, that soon they had more than a million of troops in arms, and converging from different points towards France. The saying of Chateaubriand, "that if the cocked-hat and surtout

of Napoleon, were placed on a stick on the shores of Brest, it would cause Europe to run to arms, from one end to the other," seemed almost verified in this instance.

Let us now turn from the allied sovereigns and their schemes of European aggrandizement, to the situation of Napoleon on the Island of Elba, and trace his course from his landing upon the shores of France, until he was again reseated upon the imperial throne. Elba is a small island in the Mediterranean Sea, within sight of the coast of Tuscany, and within a few days sail of France. The act of his leaving this island has been much animadverted upon by his enemies, and much pains taken to place him in the wrong. By the terms of the abdication, this island was given to him as a sovereignty, and a certain revenue guaranteed to be paid to him, to maintain his imperial honors in his kingdom. These terms the allies failed to comply with, and the contract having been violated on one side, he was no longer bound to fulfill it, on his part. They failed to pay to him his annual revenue, and instead of recognizing him as a sovereign, they placed spies at his court, and had guard-ships stationed around his island. Sir Neil Campbell was the English spy commissioner, and each of the other allied sovereigns had a similar functionary there, whose duty it was to make reports to their governments of every movement of the Emperor. Thus he was watched like a felon from day to day, and smarting under this ungenerous treatment, he determined to leave his place of confinement, and make a bold stroke to regain his lost throne and empire.

Thus situated, Napoleon kept up a brisk correspondence with his friends in France and Italy, and by them was advised of every movement of the allies at the Congress of Vienna. A vast conspiracy was formed, with its centre in Paris, whose ramifications extended into every province and department in France. The officers and soldiers of the army were, more than any others, the grand movers in it. Although they had taken an oath to support the new government, they had, by no means, renounced their allegiance to Napoleon. They cherished his memory with a holy reverence. All the hardships they had undergone were forgotten, and they thought of him only as their victorious Emperor-the idol of their hearts. He opened a direct correspondence with Murat, who again threw himself into his interest, and promised to furnish him with numerous troops the moment he should put his foot upon the shores of France. Every thing was now prepared for leaving the island. His friends throughout France were warned of his intended movements, and were both ready and willing to aid him. As extensive as these plans of revolution were, they had been thus far matured, without the allies having the least suspicion that such an event was about to take place, and all this in spite of the close surveillance over the Emperor and all his movements.

On the 26th of February, 1815, he gave a grand ball at the town of Porto Ferrajo, which was graced with the presence of his mother, and his sister, the Princess Pauline. While they were doing the honors of the house, he was making private arrangements to leave the island. Upon that occasion, the Emperor appeared in his most fascinating mood, and going around the room, talked with his guests in the most familiar manner. In the meantime, he had despatched orders to his troops, to hold themselves in readiness at the quay. During the afternoon he secretly left the ball-room and went to the quay, where he found his troops drawn up, about eleven hundred strong, under the command of

Bertrand, Drouat and Cambronne. They immediately began embarking, and by seven o'clock all were on board. To the wondering inhabitants who witnessed the embarkation, he said, "that he was going to the coast of Barbary to chastise the pirates, who, from time immemorial, had infested the coasts of Elba." Sealed instructions were given to the captain of L'Inconstant, on board of which was Napoleon, which were not to be opened until they were several leagues at sea. When fairly out at sea, he opened them, and for the first time learned that his destination was the Gulf of Juan, on the coast of Province. The prows of the ships were immediately turned in that direction. When the soldiers knew they were on their way to the coast of France, they burst out into wild shouts of joy, and made the welkin ring again, with cries of "long live the Emperor." After the first manifestation of feeling was over, a sadness seemed to take possession of both officers and men, and a deep silence prevailed throughout the ships. Their minds were filled with sad presentiments of the future, and a recollection of other times came full and fresh to their memory. The vessels pursued their way without interruption, and on the first of March cast anchor in the Gulf of Juan. The troops immediately disembarked, and kindling some watch-fires on the sand, bivouacked near the shore.

A little incident occurred on the passage, which shows what admirable presence of mind Napoleon was possessed of at all times. On the evening of the 27th, when off Leghorn, a French brig came within speaking distance and hailed the vessel the Emperor was on board of. To prevent his soldiers from being discovered, he made them lie flat upon the deck with their caps off. The captain of the French vessel inquired of Napoleon himself, about the Emperor's health, who answered, that he was well. The brig suspecting nothing, passed on.

The officers, as well as the men, were impressed with the importance and magnitude of the expedition they were engaged in. With a force of only twelve hundred men, they had landed upon the coast of France, and arrayed themselves in arms against all Europe. Napoleon infused into this small band of faithful followers his own sanguine hopes, and raised somewhat their drooping spirits. As there was no time to be lost, he immediately commenced his march. He took the road by Gap, to Grenoble, through the mountains, everywhere distributing his proclamations to the inhabitants. On the 7th of March they approached the fortress of Grenoble, where General Marchaud was in command, who hearing of his advance, sent out troops to oppose him. General Cambronne, who commanded the advance-guard, first encountered this force, and seeing no signs of disaffection among the troops, sent word to Napoleon, who I was in the rear. The latter remarked to Bertrand, who was at his side, "we are betrayed," and immediately rode forward, dressed in his wellknown surtout and cocked-hat. Arriving before the opposing force, he rode in front of them, and said: "Comrades do you know me?" Yes, sire," they answered. "Do you recognize me, my children? I am your Emperor; fire on me, if you wish." This appeal of their beloved Emperor was overpowering, and they immediately threw down their arms and rushed to embrace him. As soon as their manifestations of joy had subsided, they mounted the tri-colored cockade, and arrayed themselves under his banners. Colonel Labedoyeré, who commanded a regiment in the same garrison, in disobedience to the orders of his superior officer, march