of trade is greatly against them; whatever you take directly in taxes, is in effect taken from your own com merce. If the minifter feizes the money with which the American Should pay his debts and come to market, the merchant cannot expect him as a customer, nor can the debts already contracted be paid.-Suppose we obtain from America a million inftead of one hundred thoufand pounds, it would be fupplying one perfonal exigence by the future ruin of our commerce,

Part of this is true; but the Old Member seems not to perceive, that if his brethren of the legiflature know this as well as himself, the Americans are in no danger of oppreffion, fince by men commonly provi❤ dent they must be fo taxed, as that we may not lofe one way what we gain another.

The fame Old Member has difcovered that the judges formerly thought it illegal to tax Ireland, and declares that no cafes can be more alike than thofe of Ireland and America: yet the judges whom he quotes have mentioned a difference. Ireland, they fay, hath a parliament of its own. When any Colony has an independent parliament acknowledged by the parliament of Britain, the cafes will differ lefs. Yet by the 6 Geo. I. chap. 5. the acts of the British parlia ment bind Ireland.

It is urged that when Wales, Durham, and Chefter, were divested of their particular privileges or ancient government, and reduced to the ftate of English counties, they had reprefentatives affigned them.

To thofe from whom fomething had been taken, fomething in return might properly be given. To the Americans their charters are left as they were,

nor

nor have they loft any thing except that of which their fedition has deprived them. If they were to be represented in parliament, fomething would be granted, though nothing is withdrawn.

The inhabitants of Chefter, Durham, and Wales, were invited to exchange their peculiar inftitutions for the power of voting, which they wanted before. The Americans have voluntarily refigned the power of voting, to live in diftant and feparate governments, and what they have voluntarily quitted, they have no right to claim.

It must always be remembered, that they are reprefented by the fame virtual reprefentation as the greater part of Englishmen; and that if by change of place they have lefs fhare in the legislature than is proportionate to their opulence, they by their removal gained that opulence, and had originally and have now their choice of a vote at home, or riches at a distance.

We are told, what appears to the Old Member and to others a pofition that muft drive us into inextricable abfurdity, that we have either no right, or the fole right of taxing the Colonies. The meaning is, that if we can tax them, they cannot tax themselves; and that if they can tax themselves, we cannot tax them. We anfwer with very little hefitation, that for the general ufe of the empire we have the fole right of taxing them. If they have contributed any thing in their own affemblies, what they contributed was not paid but given; it was not a tax or tribute, but a prefent. Yet they have the natural and legal power of levying money on themselves for provincial purposes, of providing for

N 4

their

their own expence, at their own difcretion. Let not this be thought new or ftrange; it is the state of every parish in the kingdom.

The friends of the Americans are of different opinions. Some think that being unreprefented they ought to tax themselves, and others that they ought to have representatives in the British parlia

ment.

If they are to tax themfelves, what power is to remain in the fupreme legislature? That they muft fettle their own mode of levying their money is fuppofed. May the British parliament tell them how much they fhall contribute? If the fum may be prefcribed, they will return few thanks for the power of raifing it; if they are at liberty to grant or to deny, they are no longer fubjects,

If they are to be reprefented, what number of these western orators are to be admitted? This I suppose the parliament muft fettle; yet if men have a natural and unalienable right to be reprefented, who shall determine the number of their delegates? Let us however suppose them to fend twenty-three, half as many as the kingdom of Scotland, what will this reprefentation avail them? To pay taxes will be ftill a griev

ance.

The love of money will not be leffened, nor the power of getting it increased.

Whither will this neceffity of reprefentation drive us? Is every petty fettlement to be out of the reach of government, till it has fent a fenator to parliament; or may two of them or a greater number be forced to unite in a fingle deputation? What at last is the difference between him that is taxed by com

pulfion

pulfion without representation, and him that is reprefented by compulfion in order to be taxed?

For many reigns the Houfe of Commons was in a ftate of fluctuation: new burgeffes were added from time to time, without any reason now to be discovered; but the number has been fixed for more than a century and a half, and the king's power of increafing it has been queftioned. It will hardly be thought fit to new-model the conftitution in favour of the planters, who, as they grow rich, may buy estates in England, and, without any innovation, effectually reprefent their native colonies.

The friends of the Americans indeed afk for them what they do not ask for themselves. This inestimable right of representation they have never folicited, They mean not to exchange folid money for fuch airy honour. They fay, and fay willingly, that they cannot conveniently be reprefented; because their inference is, that they cannot be taxed, They are too remote to share the general government, and therefore claim the privilege of governing themselves.

Of the principles contained in the refolutions of the Congress, however wild, indefinite, and obfcure, fuch has been the influence upon American understanding, that from New-England to South-Carolina there is formed a general combination of all the provinces against their Mother-country. The madness of independence has fpread from Colony to Colony, till order is loft and government despised, and all is filled with mifrule, uproar, violence, and confufion. To be quiet is difaffection, to be loyal is treason.

The Congrefs of Philadelphia, an affembly convened

by

by its own authority, has promulgated a declaration, in compliance with which the communication between Britain and the greatest part of North America is now fufpended. They ceafed to admit the importa tion of English goods in December 1774, and determine to permit the exportation of their own no longer than to November 1775.

This might feem enough, but they have done more, They have declared, that they shall treat all as enemies who do not concur with them in difaffection and perverseness, and that they will trade with none that shall trade with Britain.

They threaten to ftigmatize in their Gazette, those who shall consume the products or merchandise of their Mother-country, and are now fearching fufpected houses for prohibited goods.

These hoftile declarations they profefs themfelves ready to maintain by force. They have armed the militia of their provinces, and feized the publick ftores of ammunition. They are therefore no longer fubjects, fince they refuse the laws of their Sovereign, and in defence of that refusal are making open preparations for war.

Being now in their own opinion free ftates, they are not only raifing armies, but forming alliances, not only hastening to rebel themselves, but feducing their neighbours to rebellion. They have published an addrefs to the inhabitants of Quebec, in which discontent and refiftance are openly incited, and with very respectful mention of the fagacity of Frenchmen, invite them to fend deputies to the Congrefs of Philadelphia, to that feat of Virtue and Veracity, whence

the