based on higher principles than was the old order. In fact the very word "kingdom," if it is to have any sense at all, implies an aggregation of people, a commonwealth, a society, in the gospel usage, a society of equals, of brothers. There was also liberty-" the liberty of the sons of God." Thus early, and thus remote from Paris, the great trinity of political ideas got itself pronounced: Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. The social order of this kingdom was not, so far as we are told, laid down in detail, much being left to the wisdom of after generations; but that in its primitive form it differed radically from the order of the rest of the world, there can be no doubt. It was naturally drawn, by the earliest church and the only one whose example in this matter has any value for us, from the life together of Jesus and his twelve disciples, and was simply communistic. Communism is historically the first step in socialism; and so in practice as well as in principle it can be asserted without fear of contradiction that socialism has a better footing in the New Testament than any one of the Christian sects.

A Socialist Christian movement is, therefore, as feasible as a Christian Socialist movement, so far as a base in the Christian scriptures and profound reverence for the Prophet of Galilee are concerned. But the movement will not take the form of a church, will not let itself become dependent upon contributions of cash or of what cash will buy. What its preachers have to give they will give without money and without price, freely as God gives it to them, and so will keep themselves from being in bondage to any man.

CHAPTER XIII

THE NEW WORLD IN THE MAKING

In dealing with projects whose development is in the future, the temptation is strong to play the part of foreteller. But it is a hazardous piece of business, especially where the causes depended on are complex, or the dénouement at all remote. The insuccess of all detailed vaticinations not of the post eventum variety, ought to be a warning to any would-be explorer of the as yet unseen waters to moor his bark by the shores of silence, or to adventure only within ear-shot of land. So many things not dreamt of in any one's philosophy - inventions, discoveries, of epoch-making significance, subtle but far-reaching modifications of thought are possible to occur; so many forces now controlling may become ineffective, supplanted or nullified by other forces, that even speculative minds find it best not to particularize about what is to be even a few decades hence. What does not yet exist, and what lies beyond the reach of knowledge, have but a moderate interest for us, and efforts to set forth things out of those categories look childish and are a waste of time. Bellamy's visions into a coming century are saved from being a weariness to the flesh. by frankly taking the form of romance. It is safer not to peer ahead too far, and to say, with Bernstein, that as to the future we will concern ourselves only with what is immediately before us. Nothing beyond

the merest fringe of it is to be descried with any confidence.

What we can observe is a transition taking place under our eyes. It comes out in comparing the present with the past, even the past of yesterday. We note tendencies largely continuous through a long time gone by, and which obviously have not yet run their course; and therein is the new world in its making. To be sure the story thus told is prosaic, lacking altogether the brilliancy of a picture presenting the completed work set in vivid contrast with all the uglinesses of the world we know, but it has on its side certitude and reality.

It must be remembered that the socialist programme is in the nature of an experiment, or, if you please, of a demonstration, and that it has to take its place in the endless procedure of social evolution. No sudden and sweeping change of so complex a thing as human society at its present stage is possible; what is to be expected is modification by slow degrees such modification as has been going on with lessening sluggishness time out of mind each forward step, with the readjustments it necessitates, preparing the way for the step to follow; the whole process being nothing other than the natural development of the social organism under the impelling force of economic principles and moral ideas. Nothing like a revolution can now be inaugurated; if for no other reason, for lack of an influential majority. And if the requisite majority were anywhere to be mustered, no people, not even the nimble and versatile Japanese, could

stand the shock of an abrupt change from the present to the socialist order. In all things, by use and wont we make our approaches to the best ways. The indispensable majority for the final step into socialism is not likely to be obtained until approaches enough have been made to render that step safe, feasible, free from any slightest apprehension that it will have to be retraced. Socialism, as nobody needs to be told, is at present far from popular; but movements in the direction of socialism are popular, and long have been. What more secure in the hearts of the people than the plan of educating all the children at public expense, or the plan of building libraries, art-galleries, museums, at public expense, free to all comers? Laws protecting laborers from undue exactions, affirming employers' liability for injuries, instituting old-age pensions, protecting the people from the rapacity of corporations, are popular. Every decade, capital is being subjected to regulations more and more stringent, more and more socialistic. These are the steps forward toward the goal, the means-preliminary and to be followed by others more drastic-making for the great consummation. Each advance, necessitating a readjustment of opinion and custom, paves the way for another and more considerable advance; and so the march goes on whither, not even its opponents are in doubt.

We are generally inclined to regard with impatience the slow progress that is being made, the little sign there yet is of the complete realization of our dreams. We forget the infinite tasks involved. Some of the

preliminary steps are sadly retarded just for lack of preparation. Municipal ownership of public utilities halts on account of the astounding corruption so often brought to light in our city governments. Every time one of these disgraceful situations is unveiled, judgment is taken against enlarging the responsibilities of Common Councils. State governments, if not as bad, are yet far from being up to the requirements of a system which would lodge in the State possession and control of the chief means of industryland, factories, facilities of transportation and of exchange a system which calls for supreme executive ability, statesmanship, financial genius, and unimpeachable character in every department of the government and its agents. Not till we begin to see in charge of State concerns men who in private life would be held mentally adequate and morally suitable to tasks of equal importance, can we expect people to favor the project of acquiring a vast collective property to be managed by State officials. The task of preparation for the new order is great beyond estimation. We have set before ourselves so high an aim that its speedy attainment is not to be looked for; nor can we expect such an end to be furthered by any fortuitous circumstance commotion among the nations, or some one here or there seeing a strange light. The Holy City is not going to drop down upon the world out of the skies, as the apocalypse strangely says; it has got to be built up here below by human. hands, long though the work may prove, many as the failures may be.