suffer not Ireland only, but almost all His Majesty's dominions to be agitated every session of parliament, by presumptuous clainis most presumptuously urged by the worst affected of His Majesty's subjects? It is probable he will not-it is most certain he ought not.

It would appear, on the whole, that, except among a few bigots whom no indulgence can satisfy--no experience teach, there is every where to be found a large share of mutual goodwill. We rejoice at the aspect of the world. And while we do so, and bear in mind that, in addition to the gratifying spectacle of the French employed in finding quarters, and food, and clothing, and pay, and ammunition, for armies over most of which it was once but a sport to them to triumph, our treaty with the United States has been ratified; the barbarous king of Kandy dethroned; and the adventurous rajah of Napaul humbled; we are strongly attracted by a sort of negative phenomenon, very striking, because very rare in this island-the almost total abscuce of political strife, not only among legislators and statesmen, but among private persons.

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The erring prophets whom insane France inspired, are dead -the false philosophers cease to speculate-the baffled agitators are still. Providence has kindly disposed of some; necessity has imposed laws on others, whom no sense of right and wrong could controul in either case, however, we owe them nothing. The few who still live, and move, and have a kind of being, constitute what is called the opposition. They say little, and do less; and that is sound wisdom. They know that they can do scarcely any thing, were they ever so bent upon acting; and that they can say nothing to which the public will incline a willing ear. The domestic measures which they are notorious for having reprobated, are at length acknowledged to have been those through which the internal peace and the credit of the nation have been maintained; and the foreign, but especially the military measures, which they strongly recommended, were the

reverse of those by which Europe has confessedly been saved. The consequences have been, that the enemies of the British government, both foreign and domestic, have not only ceased to be such, but have bastened to make a tender-the former of their respect, the latter of their aid-the one thus bringing dignity to the crown, the other insuring permanency to the power of its servants.

He

Of the leaders of the opposing bands, Lord Sidmouth was the first who was reclaimed; and there was a merit in his being so, not merely because a salutary example was thereby set to others; but because there was a serious obstacle to the transfer of his good offices to government, in the part he had taken in the coalition cabinet of Lord Grenville. In another point of view, 'however (and it was the main one) the path to office was smooth enough. He had agreed with Lord Liverpool on the constitutional questions of parliamentary reform, and the admission of Catholics to unlimited civil power; nor had he, in any case, manifested any personal hostility to him, or his friends. Mr. Canning, probably, had greater difficulties to overcome. could have no hatreds to repress, for he is incapable of harbouring ignoble passions: but he had to divest himself, it seems, of some dissatisfaction with the measures of one noble lord, and of a dislike somewhat personal to another—a species of dislike'apt to take faster hold of the mind than differences purely political commonly do. Whatever the difficulties were on one side or the other, they were overcome, though not very speedily. An allusion made to some slight differences of opinion with Lord Liverpool, at the period of the triple negotiation for forming the vice-regal cabinet, could not lead one to suppose that there' existed any insuperable bar to an union such as has taken place : and, as the mildness of Lord Castlereagh's disposition had made it easy for him to forgive what he held to be an injury done not by him, but to him, nothing remained but for Mr. Canning to forgive himself; and this he has probably been able to do. He

has, at all events, endeavoured to bury in generous oblivion, what he once considered as a sufficient reason for separation: and his giving to the wind, in the hour of trial, the warranted means of honorable resentment, may fairly be considered as a proof of his having had no wish to render the injury mortal.—The parties being reconciled, it became their duty to contrive the best means of rendering their reconciliation as durable as it promised to be useful. The Whigs, who are often at variance among themselves-always with other public men, nevertheless say, that an identity of principle-idem velle ac idem nolle-is the firmest bond of union. Others, without denying this, suppose that, when men have once been brought to think pretty nearly in the same way, a reasonable attention to their respective interests forms no bad cement of their principles. Be this as it may, it is observable that between the period of a statesman's conversion, and that of his avowedly maintaining the cause of a minister, he usually finds himself under the necessity of accepting of some public mark of favour. Accordingly, both Lord Sidmouth and Mr. Canning, were laid under obligations to government before they could grant any thing more than private expressions of their good-will. And, not they solely, but many of their relations, and almost every one of their political adherents, were called to the enjoyment of posts of honor or emolument. To this rule, however, there has been an exception: for the case of the Marquis Wellesley is analogous, though he is not a minister. The step the next in value to that of becoming a friend, is to cease to be- we do not, on this occasion, say an enemy-but an opponent. Lord Wellesley has done this; while his friends, who exceed those either of Lord Sidmouth, or of Mr. Canning, in number and influence, and are their equals in talents and worth, have become the friends of administration. His lordship therefore has served government as effectually as either of the other two distinguished characters; and he and his friends are as well entitled to favours from the crown, as those

gentlemen on whom they have been so liberally bestowed. It was right in his Lordship to shun employment, if he thought that age had disqualified him for it, or if pride had taught him to scorn it; or if he at length felt disposed to gratify ministers-who did not wish for his presence in the cabinet, although there had perhaps been times when they needed it. But it was not right to be less attentive to attached friends, than others in similar predicaments had been but the day before. Let us decide equitably. The Marquis Wellesley had motives sufficient to induce him to cease thwarting the Prince Regent's government, without the interests of his faithful adherents having been consulted. He found ministers to all appearance fixed in their seats for many years. He saw them skilfully actuating Europe in the cause which he had long espoused; and applying, in that glorious cause, with admirable constancy and vigor, the whole faculties of the nation. He felt that on the Duke of Wellington, who had triumphed campaign after campaign, honors and riches had been heaped with hands as lavish as his deeds had been illustrious; that all his other brothers had been drawn from private life, and compensated for all they had done or ever could do and it will readily be felt, that in the estimation of every nobleman possessed of becoming pride, the honors of his family are his own.

The preceding observations are, in a great measure, incidental;—and we return to the view we were taking of administration as an increased and increasing party-a party in point of influence and efficiency never equalled in this country. Were it not for Lord Grenville, the last stern recusant of the unerring selection of William Pitt "who though dead yet liveth," the whole power of the empire might be said to be in the hands of the premier. The Regent's ministers have totally ruined the balance of power-in Westminster. The circumstances to which administration owes its unprecedented strength are, as already stated, its vigorous and successful prosecution of the war; the effects which the happy termination of the war has had on

Europe; and the successive union with it of all the unconnected parties in the country-Sir Francis Burdett's excepted.-Those public men who were merely inimical-and might have entertained hopes of doing good at once to themselves and the state, despairing of success, have wisely become friends; and such as were absolutely hostile, seeing the certainty of being unable to render either their own condition better, or that of their opponents worse, have prudently ceased to be enemies. Will Mr. Canning, on resuming his seat in the House of Commons, be Cæsar or Pompey? Or must the Prince, who cannot bestow on Lord Castlereagh an honor which he has not merited, place him high among the Peers of the Realm? Wherever and whatever those statesmen be, they will be found what it is but little to their credit not to have been always-sincere friends. Already, at Paris, "Lambs with wolves have grazed the verdant mead;" and if ever they be seen doing so in this country, it must be next month in Parliament.

During the progress of a war, a ministry expects to be frequently assailed, sometimes a good deal embarrassed. But having much to give at such a time as matter of favor, it has also not a little to expect in the way of support. When a war is over however-when many of the sources of favor are dried up, some of those who could not be obliged, feel or pretend to feel disobliged, and no longer allow ministers to direct their proceedings. It was a maxim, on former occasions not void of truth, that for a minister to make peace, was only to make room for a successor. How stands this matter now? It would be absurd to talk of what public characters will do when the opening of parliament, the privileges of which cover more sins than ever charity did, shall set a thousand tongues loose upon the world at once. This only is certain, that the terms of the new conventions and treaties will not answer the purposes of Opposition. For, not to mention the benefits insured to the nations of Europe, Lord Castlereagh has had time to do, and has done all that possibly could be done for our African fel