told in July, 1914, that Great Britain would support France Russia, the war would undoubtedly have been prevented" (p. 9 The author reviews the controversy in England over a Comm Committee on Foreign Affairs, but says little as to the possibility machinery to insure less secrecy and more parliamentary control the executive. He contents himself with pious wishes rather th practical suggestions, and the democratic fervor that is evident almost every page, if not eloquent, is very earnest and consister "Secret diplomacy destroys public confidence"; the language ideal aims veils unconscionable actions; if democracy means an thing, more and more minds must participate in the great things the world; "Lincoln's simple faith in the people has not yet bee adequately applied in international affairs" (p. 221), and, finally "Patient, sound, upbuilding influences shall have to work powe fully on the masses of men, and on their leaders, before we ma finally overcome the evils that express themselves in practices in herent in a system such as that we call 'secret diplomacy', befor the world may be made an abode of mutual confidence and helpful ness instead of a house of imprisonment, suspicion and terror" (F 224).

To most Americans the affairs of the Mahommedan world seem very remote. Having no long-established dependencies populated by mil lions of Mussulmans, like British India or French Morocco, we have not faced the need of taking into consideration the religious and socia system of the 250,000,000 Moslems, whose far-reaching plans for the vindication of their intense religious faith and their nationalistic aspirations have been making startling advances in the last twenty years. Two recent books bring this problem before us with distinct emphasis. Lothrop Stoddard follows his Rising Tide of Color with a book on The New World of Islam (Charles Scribner's Sons, 1921; vii, 362 pp.) in which he discusses the awakening of the "immovable East". He finds that the influence of Western penetration, with its stimulus to political change following on economic rehabilitation, has produced in the Orient a ferment such as it has not known since the days of the rapid sweep of Islam from the borders of India to the Straits of Gibraltar more than a thousand years ago. To the religious motive of Pan-Islamism is now added the political thirst for national “selfdetermination"-first encouraged in theory, and then rudely deceived in practice, by the World War and the Treaty of Versailles. Especially valuable are the chapters on the nationalist movements in Egypt and India and the final chapter on "Social Unrest and Bolshevism",

in which Stoddard deals with the imminent danger of the union of the discontented Mohammedans of the Near East with the forces of Bolshevist Russia. The book is documented with a wealth of references to works of special students of Islam in the countries of Europe, as well as by quotations from scores of Moslem writers in the lands of the Crescent. There is nothing sensational in Stoddard's treatment of the renaissance of the Mohammedan world, but the reader feels in every page the immense significance of the movement. It behooves the nations of the West to set their house in order to meet a crusade that

is growing every year stronger in the conscious unity of faith and

purpose.

A very different book from Stoddard's is Talcott Williams' Turkey, a World Problem of Today (Doubleday, Page and Company, 1921; viii, 336 pp.). The author was born in a missionary family at Mosul on the banks of the Tigris, and spent his boyhood and early youth among the mingled races of the Turkish Empire, until he came to America, nearly sixty years ago, to begin his long and distinguished career as a journalist. Williams' book is narrower in scope than Stoddard's. It grew out of a series of lectures on Turkey delivered before the Lowell Institute in Boston in 1900, and is a popular presentation of the history and institutions of the Ottoman Turks. The tone of the book, also, is totally different from that of Stoddard's. Instead of giving us a dispassionate survey of the Mohammedan world, with ample reference to authorities both Christian and Moslem, Williams writes an ardent arraignment of the Turk through the six centuries since Othman appeared before the waters which bathe the walls of Constantinople, with his black tent and his two flocks of goats. The narrative is enlivened with many a picturesque incident from the author's own memory, as well as burdened with many obscure historical allusions beyond the memory of the vast majority of fairly well educated readers. Occasionally there is a tendency to grow oracular. Finally, while Stoddard's book is an impersonal exposition of the current forces in the Mohammedan world, based on the confession that "all that we may venture wisely is to observe, describe, and analyze the various elements in the great transition", Williams declares in his preface that his book "presents a direct plea for the acceptance by the United States of a mandatory from the League of Peace for Asiatic Turkey and Constantinople, or as much of it as could be saved from other powers". This is the interpretation of his subtitle, "A World Problem of Today". No less than fifteen times in the book does Williams return to the charge that the United States has missed its recurrent opportunity

to save Turkey from internal anarchy and moral bankruptcy. The argument of chapter after chapter leads up to this conclusion. Like Cato's Carthaginem delendam the refrain is repeated again and again : the salvation of Turkey lies in American protection. Cato was successful at last—but his cause was undoubtedly more popular.

An informing and suggestive survey of the Zionist movement is Dr. Horace Meyer Kallen's Zionism and World Politics-A Study in History and Social Psychology (Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1921; xii, 345 pp.). There are five chapters on the origins and history of Zionism, bringing the narrative down to the middle of the nineteenth century. These are followed by an interesting chapter on the "secular nationalism" of the Jews of Eastern Europe, which suggests a relationship between organized Zionism and the growth of political and cultural nationalism on the Continent from the middle of the last century to the outbreak of the Great War. The rôle of American Jewry in the development of Zionism in Palestine, the impetus given Zionism by the sufferings of the Jews in the War and in post-bellum Eastern Europe, the presentation of the Jewish cause at the Peace Conference of Paris, the diplomatic negotiations from Versailles to San Remo, are treated in order. There are two excellent chapters on the Near Eastern Question, one dealing with the period before 1914, the other with the period since the armistice. Dr. Kallen writes in a spirit of frank sympathy with the Zionist movement, although he is always sufficiently critical to realize that "there are two types of prejudice about the Jews—those entertained by Jews and those entertained by non-Jews". The book is intended to be of interest to the general reader as well as to the student; nevertheless, further documentation and a critical bibliography would have materially improved the work.

Otto H. Kahn is one of the outstanding characters in the field of business of America, not simply because of his prominence in business, as such, but because of the breadth of his interests in all aspects of the nation's life. His book on Our Economic and Other Problems (New York, George H. Doran Company, 1920; vi, 420 pp.) representing a collection of essays and addresses on business, foreign relations, the war and art, etc., pictures the ideals and philosophy of what is best in "American business". One will not, by any means, always agree with Mr. Kahn. His portrayal of E. H. Harriman is certainly more complimentary than that redoubtable gentleman deserved. But if American business as a whole were imbued with

the spirit of idealism and the sense of social responsibility which Mr. Kahn displays in his book and in his acts, the path of economic progress stretching out before the country would be less tortuous and stony than it now appears to be.

Professor William Starr Myers, in Socialism and American Ideals (Princeton University Press, 1919; ix, 89 pp.) attacks the matter at hand with all the ardor of a knight-errant going forth to slay a dragon. This Socialism is a wicked, dangerous thing (he does not quite call it a loathsome disease but he groups it with other things so designated) and as such must it be dealt with. He does not argue with the steadfast coolness of one debating a question which may conceivably have "much to be said on both sides". Rather, he lays about him with a will, making many references to the evils rife in Germany under the bureaucratic, pseudo-socialistic régime which obtained there in the years preceding the war. He even goes so far as to lay the responsibility for the brutality of the German soldier at the door of the "de-souling materialistic influence of Socialism on the common people of Germany during the past twentyfive years." This attitude of mind is attributable, no doubt, to the fact that the articles which make up the book were written during the war (appearing in the New York Journal of Commerce and Commercial Bulletin and later reprinted under date of November 28, 1918) and bear the imprint of that period of emotionalism. This is not meant to imply that Professor Myers does not offer some sound support for his contention that "Socialism is in theory and practice absolutely opposed and contrary to the principles of Americanism, of democracy and even of the Christian-Jewish religion itself." His arguments, though not strikingly original, for the most part have weight. It is the manner, rather than the substance of his remarks that has the chivalric ring. In the first three chapters of the book he upholds his view that Socialism is unAmerican, undemocratic and un-Christian. Chapter iv is devoted to some instances of the failure of Socialism and chapter v deals with what he considers the true antidote, that is, cooperative effort. Some readers, perhaps some Socialists, may be surprised to learn from Professor Myers that Socialism would guarantee to supply the citizenry of the land with happiness; nay, would cram it down their throats, whether or no. It is doubtful whether the most sanguine of Socialists, looking at the world through the rosiest of spectacles, would undertake to promise that elusive wood-bird, happiness, to those who should put his theories into practice.

In the second volume of A History of British Socialism (New York, Harcourt, Brace and Howe, 1921; xi, 413 pp.) Mr. Max Beer shows the same qualities of painstaking research that he displayed in his first volume, which was reviewed in the December, 1919, issue of this journal. The period covered is from the beginning of the Chartist movement to the close of the World War. The first half of the volume is devoted to a temperate and well-balanced history of Chartism, based principally upon original sources. This amount of space may seem to overrate the importance of Chartism in the general history of British Socialism, but the author shows that the "ulterior motives" of the Chartists, at least during the early stages of the movement, were socialrevolutionary and that their influence upon the British working classes was far-reaching. In the second half of the volume, which describes the development of socialist thought and the rise and progress of socialist organizations in England during the last sixty years, students of the modern British labor movement will find an indispensable storehouse of information. For the general reader a less inclusive and more discriminating narrative might have been more serviceable.

The publication of a summary of the results of the careful investigation of the National Bureau of Economic Research into Income in the United States: Its Amount and Distribution · 1909-1919 (New York, Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1921; xvi, 152 pp.) marks an important event in the progress of economic statistics in the United States. The Bureau's staff, consisting of Wesley C. Mitchell, Wilford I. King, Frederick R. Macaulay and Oswald W. Knauth, devoted more than a year to the task of bringing together all the available information with reference to incomes, testing the accuracy and adequacy of this information by all the means known to statisticians and deducing from it conclusions touching the distribution of income year by year. The principal findings of the investigators are: that the total national income increased from $28,800,000,000 in 1909 to $61,000,000,000 in 1918, or from $319 to $586 per capita of the population; that this increase was largely due to the inflation of prices, since on the basis of 1913 prices the change would have been from a total of $30,100,000,000 in 1909 to only $38,800,000,000 in 1918, or from $333 to $372 per capita; and that in 1918 about 86 per cent of the persons gainfully employed had incomes of less than $2000 per annum, and only about 14 per cent, incomes above this sum. A second volume, giving full information in regard to the details on which these and other findings are based and the methods employed in reaching them, is