self with scarcely less lustre in the rugged and dangerous arena of political controversy than in the flowery paths of romance! The Republicanism of the Dix-neuvième Siècle presents the lively ardour and spirit of its editor; yet it shows a laudable absence of violent language, and, what is more remarkable, trenches but rarely upon the impracticable. The Temps, which dates from the closing years of the Restoration, follows with firmer, if not with such attractive, footsteps a political course parallel with that marked out by the Dix-neuvième Siècle. More decidedly, though less brilliantly, republican than the paper edited by M. About, the République Française holds also a conspicuous place in current French journalism. Its editor, M. Challemel-Lacour, participates in the political principles and aspirations of M. Gambetta. The Rappel displays yet stronger tendencies to radical Republicanism, and, through M. Auguste Vacquerie, and its other editors, maintains with consistent clamour the stirring title it has assumed.

Casting a glance in a less perturbed and less rigidly determinate direction, there appear the Moniteur Universel, which possesses importance as a semi-official journal, as a representative of the moderate Republicans, and as holding a high position among the best informed papers; the Bien Public, devoted to the policy of M. Theirs; and reappearing here for a moment amidst the ranks of moderationthe Journal des Débats is as conspicuous ast heretofore for its ability; its most widely known contributor, M. John Lemoinne, an exceptionally dispassionate, unprejudiced, and judicious journalist, admirably representing the distinctive spirit by which it is usually pervaded. Disregarding partly from want of space, and partly because little pro

fitable-other Republican journals, we may note, before passing onwards, a recent convert to Republicanism, the Presse, which is affirmed to be the organ of the President of the Republic, and therefore a mere republican shadow, so mildly imbued, indeed, with its new political faith that we are brought without effort to the confines of Monarchism.

The chief of the Bonapartist journals, the Pays, is less distinguished for literary ability than for energy and bold assertiveness of character. It was formerly edited by M. Granier de Cassagnac, an ultraImperialist, who favoured with fierce frankness every movement which tended to tighten the reins of the late Imperial despotism. His son, M. Paul de Cassagnac, succeeded to the editorship of the Pays, and, in the vigour of his Imperialism, in the broad phraseology of his invective, worthily emulates his father. With the exception of the Ordre, edited by M. Dugné de la Fauconnerie, there appears, amidst the Bonapartist section of the Parisian Press, no other journal of sufficient notoriety to claim mention.

Though somewhat exaggerated and fanatical in its political and clerical views, the Monde may be regarded as the most authoritative representative of the Legitimist party. Then come the Français, which is inspired by the Duc de Broglie; the Union, which, like the Monde, though to a greater extent, is a Clerical as well as a Legitimist organ; and-passing by other journals of less note than those we have mentioned-the Univers, founded in 1833. This paper,

though it can hardly be considered as a perfectly accurate political reflection of the old monarchical faction, is indisputably, not only the chief clerical authority in France, but is pre-eminently the most accredited

Ultramontane journal on the Continent. Its editor, M. Louis Veuillot, possesses a spirit armed with indomitable energy; he is distinguished for an elastic combativeness so rapid and decided that, in the pleasurable excitement generated by unceasing conflict with the numerous redoubtable enemies of absolutism, both lay and clerical, he becomes altogether insusceptible to the delicate monitions of Christian charity, or to the mild protests of political moderation. He will He will listen to no compromise; and fear has no place in his mental constitution. His controversial ability is of the highest order: he is a journalistic gladiator whom few writers are either competent, or possess sufficient courage, to encounter: in fine, the retreating, yet ever-aggressive, spirit of Reaction, in all its mental and governmental modes, can boast of no more formidable and faithful champion.

The French political press, in its broad general characteristics, presents a remarkable uniformity of aspect throughout its whole career. It has never been the representative of the nation, but unceasingly the mouthpiece of parties. For this deficiency of comprehensive patriotism, this diversity of political views, the numerous colossal changes to which, in less than a century, the Government of France has been subjected, are very largely responsible. Men are not separated in politics by surmountable difficulties, but by impassable chasms. The most striking results of this division and petty concentration are to dwarf and lower the Press; to restrict within a narrow sphere the scope of its arguments, to disfigure it with all the distortions which accompany the language of irreconcilable party warfare, and to weaken its legitimate share of importance and power in the conduct of public affairs. In home politics, the

Press is divided into groups, more or less numerously composed, each advocating a special form of government. These groups are themselves sub-divided into hostile parts; thus weakening collective action, and imparting a confused aspect of antagonism to the entire political world. This hostile feeling, at least among the more well-defined groups, may be likened in intensity of bitterness to the theological rancour between different sects of religionists, or even to that between rival shades of the same sect. In foreign affairs there exist no such palpable divergences: preferences are not only far less contracted, far less distinctly defined, but, for the most part, seem to merge into a species of pale cosmopolitanism. In the one case, there result passionate incompatibilities, and, in the other, vague outlines rarely capable of arousing more than a languid interest. These peculiarities tend to restrict the circulation of political journals: for no journal can hope to obtain a large circulation which is chained to narrow sympathies, and lacks the excitement of early and well-authenticated news. The circulation of the most popular French political journals is very considerably below that of even the highpriced London daily papers. This inferiority is, indeed, so striking as to leave the French journal no fair scope to compete either in size or appearance with its English contemporaries. It also compels recourse to parsimonious, and therefore tardy, means of obtaining reports of current events. A Parisian news agency furnishes, in great part, all that kind of intelligence which is usually supplied to London journals through the costly medium of resident correspondents scattered over the world, and through the yet more costly channel of special correspondents. There are other causes which contribute to