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pursuit, to the mechanical coolness required, and placed him at the head of an hundred thousand men, with thirty thousand horse, and five hundred pieces of cannon, and made him able, by virtue of discipline and subordination, to put all this apparatus in motion upon any point, the wonder is rather that no more is done, than that so much is done. Were it not that such an army is weak in its very strength, and must be fed and lodged at immense cost and inconvenience, nothing in romance ought to be too arduous for it to effect.

But if the glory due to the successful wielding of this portentous enginery belong, not to the general who fights the battle, but the prince or minister who makes the war, then it will deserve to be considered, whether the history of modern or ancient administrations does not show that offensive war has always been entered into with as much levity of spirit as any trifling measure of legislation. A slight on a foreign minister, a punctilio about a title to a worthless island, an abstract theory of foreign politics, and more than all the intrigues of domestic politics, are the common springs of war in the cabinets of ministers and princes. There are some characters, it is true, in which the prince, minister, and captain are combined. Our generation has seen a memorable example of this. We would not for the honor of the age underrate him before whom the age did quake, but we think no one, who traces attentively the career of Bonaparte, will find much elevation of character in him, or much to excite a glow of enthusiasm at the power and resource which he disclosed.

It is not, however, necessary that we should enter formally into the discussion of this theme. It was treated somewhat at large in this journal, two or three years since, and we perceive no occasion to depart from the sentiments then expressed.* We place, moreover, quite too much reliance on the soundness of Mr Wheaton's political philosophy, to fear that we should materially differ from him in any practical questions which might arise in this connexion.

We have only therefore to renew our thanks to him, for finding time to favour the public with a performance so instructive and agreeable, in the intervals of leisure permitted by the active duties of a laborious profession.

*North American Review, vi. p. 25.

ART. IX.-S
Uniti d' A
Colas, 180
Histoire de i
Amérique 1
et précédée
ouvrage or
G Dentu,
History of the
America,
Italian by
HISTORY,
and it is her d

ure while she
important ever
history, nor ha
any claim to b
name, must no
ticularly, displ
performed ther
and connect th
ments of histor
other, and clot
dering them on
dare to utter no
with the eye an
eral features an
identify the sce
recalling them,
and moving be
persons, he
actions or their
late in one unva
and that of guil
and the reckles
feelings as bold
or the orator; a
impressive lesso
Such or nearl
which ancient c
to attain; but i
perhaps may th
New Series,

all

ART. IX.-Storia della Guerra dell' Independenza degli Stati
Uniti d'America scritta da Carlo Botta. Parigi per D.
Colas, 1809.
Histoire de la guerre de l'Indépendence des Etats Unis d'
Amérique par M. Charles Botta, &c. traduite de l'Italien
et précédée d'une introduction par M. L. De Sevelinges,
ouvrage orné de plans et cartes géographiques. Paris, J.
G Dentu, 1812.
History of the war of the Independence of the United States of
America, written by Charles Botta, translated from the
Italian by George Alexander Otis. Philadelphia. 1820.

HISTORY, according to the ancients, is one of the muses, and it is her duty no less than that of the others to give pleasure while she gives instruction. The mere enumeration of important events, however correct and circumstantial, is not history, nor has the annalist, the chronologist, or the antiquary any claim to be called an historian. He, who aspires to this name, must not only state great achievements truly and particularly, display the characters and motives of those who performed them, and trace their consequences; he must arrange and connect the facts recorded by him, which are but the fragments of history, in such a manner that they may illustrate each other, and clothe them in a simple and dignified style, thus rendering them one uniform and beautiful whole. He must not only dare to utter no falsehood and fear to utter no truth, but must catch with the eye and describe with the pen of the poet those general features and striking peculiarities, which characterise and identify the scenes of his narrative or the actors in them; and recalling them, as it were, into existence, place them living and moving before us. Though perfectly impartial towards all persons, he is not to be indifferent to the moral qualities of actions or their influence on the happiness of men, nor to relate in one unvarying tone of apathy the triumph of justice, and that of guilt, the self-devotion of disinterested patriotism and the recklessness of ambition; but should appeal to the feelings as boldly, though not in the same manner, as the poet or the orator; and exhibit animated models of character and impressive lessons of conduct.

Such or nearly such was the model of historical excellence, which ancient critics recommended and ancient writers sought to attain; but in this department of literature, though some perhaps may think in this alone, the moderns have formed a New Series, No. 7.

22

still higher idea of perfection than the ancients.

All which

the latter demanded is still required, at least in theory, and a new task is imposed. It is not enough to satisfy the critics of the present day that an historian should adhere strictly and fearlessly to the truth, should preserve the unity of his subject and the continuity of his narrative, should describe with fidelity and animation the scenes and the progress of events, display the motives and characters of his heroes, and exhibit and cherish a pure and lively moral taste; all this may be done, and yet what is now deemed the most important duty of the historian be left undone. It is not enough that he should possess the excellences of the poet and the orator, he must add to them those of the philosopher and the political economist, he must show the pursuits, habits, ideas, and feelings of the mass of the people, their advances in civilization and refinement, the state of education, morals, and manners among them, that of their laws, finances, and commerce, their improvements in the arts and sciences, and in literature; and the progress of public opinion on political subjects, with its influence on the form and administration of government and on domestic life; and must make us acquainted with states and communities, rather than with singular and illustrious individuals. To this object the intermediate chapters of Hume are entirely devoted. Much information on these subjects is undoubtedly to be gathered from the ancient historians. The perfection of their narratives enables us to form some tolerably correct idea of the state of society among them, but they do not make it their chief study to display it, like many of the writers of history in our own times. Some of these writers on the other hand attach themselves too exclusively to this object; not that they ever give us too much knowledge on the subject, but too little of the facts from which that knowledge is deduced; and in their fondness for generalizing defeat their own purpose, and become indefinite, where they would be comprehensive. Hence works have been given to the public under the name of histories, which contain no connected story whatever, and are at best no more than the reflections of their authors on reading history, speculations on the character of some particular people, illustrated by occasional statements of fact, and this too when the knowledge they are designed to convey would have been more clearly as well as more agreeably communicated by a simple narrative. If the ancients attached

too much im
men, it is as i
of single eve
influence of
asserted that
the philosop
intellectual c

son with wl
cabinets, and
may
be as th

in peaceful ti
travagant. G
by human ex
result of grea

of individuals
and more per
peaceful, dom
remarkable o
not the certai
tance of any
comparative
historian dep

on the astonis
ment, or on t
their ultimate
a pound on te
British parlia
would not des

it is a more im
which thousan
by which thro
Yet periods
are forced into
dations of soci
tions overthro
events which
for such revo
es, which ulti
follow them,
nently so wh
that the histo
habits and ma

too much importance to the brilliant achievements of their great men, it is as frequent an error among us to underrate the effect of single events on the situation of the community, and the influence of an individual upon his age. It has even been asserted that all periods are equally worthy of the labors of the philosophical historian, since the moral, physical, and intellectual condition of the mass of the people, in comparison with which the manoeuvres of armies, the intrigues of cabinets, and the artifices of courtiers are unworthy of regard, may be as thoroughly investigated and as completely displayed in peaceful times, as amid wars and revolutions. But this is extravagant. Great changes, especially such as are brought about by human exertion, are often the origin, and still oftener the result of great mental excitement, and therefore the characters of individuals and of nations are more powerfully affected and more perfectly developed by them, than by their ordinary, peaceful, domestic pursuits. It is true indeed that though remarkable occurrences are the common indication, they are not the certain proof, still less the measure of the importance of any period as a subject of history; and that the comparative interest of human actions in the eye of the historian depends less on the difficulty of performing them, on the astonishment or applause, which they excite at the moment, or on the number of persons engaged in them, than on their ultimate effects. Imposing the nominal duty of a penny a pound on tea was no very illustrious achievement of the British parliament, and independently of its consequences would not deserve notice; but taken in connexion with them, it is a more important event in history than many a battle in which thousands have fallen, or many of the political intrigues by which thrones have been subverted.

Yet periods of great civil commotion, when a whole people are forced into immediate and intense action, when the foundations of society are shaken, and ancient political institutions overthrown, are objects of peculiar interest; and the events which immediately precede and prepare the way for such revolutions, and the operation of the secret causes, which ultimately produce and the consequences which follow them, are always worthy of our attention, and eminently so when they operate among ourselves. It is true that the history of the times nearest to our own, presenting habits and manners, with which we are familiar, and rejecting

hose embellishments, which may be applied, at least with impunity, to that of a remote age, does not afford so much excitement or gratification to youthful curiosity, but it is more enzaging as well as more useful to such as read with reference to their own condition, and feeling a concern in the realities of ife, seek to apply their knowledge to some practical purpose. It is equally true that it is difficult for a writer to appear impartial or to be so in relating occurrences, which have an immediate and conspicuous influence on himself and those around him; but it must be recollected on the other hand that he is more likely to be deceived and may more easily deceive others, with regard to circumstances of a distant date. Though we naturally distrust the judgment of those who publish accounts of recent events, we rely most confidently on their statements of important and notorious facts. The history of the last century, including an investigation of the first origin and silent progress of the feelings and opinions which have at length convulsed so many European nations, and whose operation is far from being ended, will long be a subect of great and increasing interest. Yet our language has produced no historical work relating to any part of that century, which will be preserved as a choice specimen of literature. On this topic, if America has done nothing, England has done no more. Both have accumulated abundant materials for such works. In both the freedom of the press has afforded opportunity, an opportunity, which has not been neglected, for the publication of authentic and unauthentic documents without number; and this circumstance renders it so much he more surprising that no writer in our language has made I successful attempt to combine these materials into a lasting nonument of literary fame. There is, in our opinion, no event in the whole course of that century, which affords to the historian a more entertaining or instructive theme, or one whose ffects seem likely to be more extensive and permanent, than he contest between Great Britain and her American colonies. We think Mr Botta, therefore, very happy, if we ought not ather to say very wise, in the choice of his subject. The American revolution is an object of permanent and increasing nterest in other countries as well as our own, not only because he unexampled rapidity with which this nation has advanced n population and wealth will render the occurrences of its arly history attractive to statesmen in every age, but because

it was the firs
of the last an
the very foun
America. Not
it has been fo
gin and condu
ence in produ
of those who
known among
peared to tho
imitated. It
on the politic
to the theoret
gives the confi
it is practicabl

the citizens of
exercise a dire

to that desire
power, which
was spoken, an
most ignorant
feeble, unenlig
destined, if we

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alter materially But the hist solely on the i extent of the at least to haste plete developm whole nation. cabinets or arm but the united tion of their rig feeling, a short men sometimes liberty, which th then fall back in deliberate, calc means to its end sacrifices of con attention by acc bloody battles,

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