a part of the price that Protestantism is paying for the luxury of its divisions. Add to this an incalculable loss in national and local prestige and leadership." Let us hope that even this lesser, material inefficiency may light for them the road that leads to that Truth upon which alone Christian Unity is founded. WHENEVER the English Government has to deal with Ireland, at least with the majority in Ireland, it shows a pitiful, blundering sense of misunderstanding, and oftentimes of cruel injustice which shocks the world. Its treatment of those who led the recent uprising in Dublin was atrocious-to use the term applied by an English journal. The same Government now in power tolerated in Ireland the treason of Carson and his followers; and indeed rewarded the former by a place in the Cabinet. To Casement it grants a civil trial and ample time for preparing a defence. But when it came to the uprising in Dublin, it immediately resorts to the policy of Castlereagh. It executes the leaders after the most summary kind of a court-martial; and shoots one of them, apparently, without even the semblance of a trial either military or civil. If it had looked upon the open, armed and public defiance of Carson and his followers with even a small fraction of the severity it viewed the conduct of these men, it could easily have secured the conviction of Carson under the Treason Felony Act of 1848. But it had neither the courage nor the fairness even to make the attempt. The armed leaders and their followers who in South Africa recently rose against the Government were not sentenced, after their capture, to death. Is it too much to ask the same for these Irishmen whose country is still deplorably governed and deprived of Home Rule because of the treasonable opposition of a minority, and the cowardly and unjust attitude of the British Government? Such were the excesses perpetrated, that Mr. John Dillon stated in the House of Commons: "If Ireland were governed by men out of bedlam, they could not pursue a more insane policy. You are letting loose a river of blood between two races, which, after three hundred years of hatred, we had nearly succeeded in bringing together. You are washing out our whole life work in a sea of blood...... In my opinion the present government of Ireland is largely in the hands of the Dublin clubs. What is the use of telling me that the executive authorities acted in close consultation with the civil executive officers of the Irish Government? Who are these officers? There are none; they have all disappeared. There is no government in Ireland except Maxwell and the Dublin clubs. Everybody in Dublin knows that. Before the civil officers took flight the military officers treated them with undisguised contempt, and from the day martial law was proclaimed the civil government came absolutely to an end. The men of the old 'ascendancy' party are going about the streets of Dublin to-day openly glorying in the rebellion; they claim that it brought martial law and real government into the country. That is what makes the situation so terrible. If that programme is to be enforced in Ireland you had better get ready 100,000 men to garrison the country. And then what sort of appearance will you make as the champions of small nationalities?" LL the leaders of the Irish Party in Parliament did not hesitate to condemn the conduct of the Government. The party issued joint resolutions asking for the stoppage of execution; the immediate withdrawal of martial law and Government compensation for damaged property. The resolutions stated that the real Ireland has been bitterly provoked by a similar revolutionary movement in another part of the country, backed by an army in revolt, and shocked and horrified by the military executions in Dublin. The statement concludes that there is no doubt about the choice of the Irish people. "If they do not want a constitutional movement, they do not want us. Without their support we are engaged in an impossible task. With it we will be able to complete the fabric of Irish reform and liberty and lead them into the Parliament House, for which they have been praying and working for over a century." HE same John Dillon, whom we have quoted above, sent on May 21st the following message to Judge McGoorty of the Irish Fellowship Club of Chicago: "The Irish insurrection has inflicted serious injury to the Irish cause. All hope of securing Home Rule in the near future depends more than ever on union of the Irish race throughout the world, and especially on the support of the Irish in America." The report has also reached here that Premier Asquith is to reopen at once the Buckingham Palace Conference with a view 'to granting at once, by an agreement between Nationalists and Ulster Unionists, Home Rule to all of Ireland except Ulster. But what the outcome will be, if the conference is reopened, is a very debatable question. BENZIGER BROTHERS, New York: Marie of the House d'Anters. By M. Earls, S.J. $1.35 net. Only Anne. By Isabel C. Clarke. $1.35 net. At the Feet of the King of Martyrs. By a Nun of Tyburn Convent. 35 cents net. Little Donald. By Mrs. Innes-Browne. 75 cents net. Seven Fairy Tales. From the Portuguese and the Spanish. 38 cents net. The Mirror of Justice. By R. Eaton. 35 cents net. LONGMANS, GREEN & Co., New York: My Lady of the Moor. By J. Oxenham. $1.35 net. The Fruits of the Life of Prayer. By the late Rev. B. W. Maturin. 10 cents net. SILVER, BURDETT & Co., New York: The Progressive Music Series. Book Two. By H. Parker, O. McCarthy, E. B. Birge, W. O. 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Batiffol. Les Catholiques espagnols et la Guerre. Par M. de Sorgues. L'Allemagne, les Neutres et la Droet des Gens. Par R. Perret. La Guerre Actuelle devant la Conscience Catholique. Par Comte Begouen. La Reine Elisabeth. Par M. des Ombiaux. La Charité et la Guerre. Par G. Lechartier. Les Femmes et la Guerre de 1914. Par F. Masson. 0.60 each. JOUVE ET CIE, Paris: La Critique littéraire pendant La Grande Guerre. Par M. Orcival. 2 frs. GABRIEL BEAUCHESNE. Paris: La Prière du Soldat Français et Catholique. Par J. Moreau, O.S.B. 1 fr. 50. PERRIN ET CIE, Paris: Leur Ame est immortelle. Par Abbé P. Lelièvre. 2 frs. 50. THE CATHOLIC WORLD. VOL. CIII. JULY, 1916. No. 616. THE LATE THOMAS MAURICE MULRY. BY WILLIAM J. KERBY, PH.D. IN impulse to record appreciation of an extraordinary man led to the writing of these pages. Readers of THE CATHOLIC WORLD who knew Thomas Maurice Mulry, will be pleased, perhaps, to have this opportunity to interpret his character at close range. Readers who did not know him or know of him, may find it worth their while to read an interpreting sketch of the most forceful Catholic layman of our time. Thomas Maurice Mulry died in New York City March 7th, at the age of sixty-one years. He was born there and, excepting two years when his family lived in Wisconsin, his life was spent in the city of his birth. His father had been a contractor. He took up the same occupation, and was active in it during the earlier years of his business life. He met the gradual success that gives one the impression of stability and the wholesome appreciation that bears witness to sturdy character. He was drawn gradually into contact with a widening circle of business activities, until his maturer manhood displayed him as a commanding figure in banking, real estate, life insurance, religious and official circles. Mr. Mulry's development culminated in his election to the Presidency of the Emigrant Industrial Savings Bank, one of the greatest banks of its kind in the world. This position gave him an eminence in New York City which he bore with simplicity and poise. It seemed to enhance not Copyright. 1916. THE MISSIONARY SOCIETY OF ST. PAUL THE APOSTLE VOL. CIII.-28 IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK. only his personality, but also the effect of everything that he did in his many fields of action. This development brought Mr. Mulry into close contact with every type of leader in the city and the State. A singular magic that accompanied him like an atmosphere made contact with him the prelude to friendship, and made friendship with him a pledge of purer devotion to personal ideals. Mr. Mulry's development in the business world was accompanied by an analogous growth in the political life of his city and State. He never held a remunerative public office, although constantly solicited to do so. He had discovered some secret by which he protected himself against the allurement of office and the attractions of political power. With singular self-control, he waited ordinarily to be asked for advice. Throughout many administrations of both city and State, he had been adviser at critical times of executives who agreed with him, and of those who disagreed with him in party affiliation. He was consulted as a disinterested, farsighted man who was not deceived by selfishness or guilty of indirection through any hidden motive. It would be difficult to measure the debt under which he placed many public officials by his helpful advice. Mr. Mulry's development in the business and political worlds was accompanied, perhaps overshadowed, by his development as a force in the world of charity. When he was a young man, sympathy and conviction led him among the poor to be their friend and helper. There is no trace throughout his career of any abatement of his love of them and of his readiness to serve them. He became a leader in Catholic and secular charities whose wisdom was rarely questioned, whose services were of the very highest order, whose example was the prolific source of an impulse to unselfishness in ten thousand lives. Beneath business and charity, behind influence and enthusiasm we find the solid foundations of supernatural faith. Mr. Mulry was a consecrated man. The over-mastering unity of his life was derived from the imperial sway of the spirit of God in his soul. He gave his best to God in thought, in effort, in aspiration, in hope. The giving brought to him, as it does to all who do likewise, enriching wisdom and power. I. Mr. Mulry had had enough of systematic education to give him the instruments of thought and expression and a wholesome literary |