of Britain for their protection and welfare, the religion, manners, and laws of the natives preclude even the idea of political freedom; but their hiftories may poffibly fuggeft hints for their profperity, while our country derives effential benefit from the diligence of a placid and fubmiffive people, who multiply with fuch increase, even after the ravages of famine, that, in one collectorship out of twenty-four, and that by no means the largest or best cultivated (I mean Crishna-nagur), there have lately been found, by an actual enumeration, a million and three hundred thousand native inhabitants; whence it should feem, that in all India, there cannot now be fewer than thirty millions of black British fubjects."

This quotation will prove, that he was not tainted with the wild theories of licentioufness, mifcalled liberty, which have been propagated with unusual industry since the Revolution in France; and that whilft he was exerting himself to compile a code of laws, which fhould fecure the rights and pro

perty of the natives of India (a labour to which he in fact facrificed his life), he knew the abfurdity and impracticability of attempting to introduce amongst them that political freedom which is the birth-right of Britons, but the growth of ages. Of the French Revolution, in its commencement, he entertained a favourable opinion, and, in common with many wife and good men, who had not as yet difcovered the foul principle from which it sprang, wifhed fuccefs to the struggles of that nation for the establishment of a free constitution; but he faw with unspeakable difguft, the enormities which sprang out of the attempt, and betrayed the impurity of its origin. Things ill begun, ftrengthen themselves with ill. We may easily conceive, and it is unneceffary to state, what the fentiments of Sir William Jones would have been, if he had lived to this time.

If the political opinions of Sir William Jones, at any period, have been cenfured for extravagance; let it be remembered, that he adopted none, but fuch as he firmly believed Lafe-V. II.

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to arife out of the principles of the conftitution of England; and as fuch he was ever ready to avow and defend them. His attachment to liberty was certainly enthusiastic, and he never speaks of tyranny or oppreffion, but in the language of deteftation: this fentiment, the offspring of generous feelings, was invigorated by his early acquaintance with the republican writers of Greece and Rome, and with the works of the most celebrated political writers of his own country; but the whole tenour of his life, converfation, and writings, proves to my conviction, that he would have abandoned any opinion, which could be demonftrated irreconcileable to the spirit of the conftitution.

With these principles, he ever refused to enlift under the banners of any party, which he denominated faction, and refifted the influence of private friendships and attachments, whenever they involved a competition with his regard to the conftitution of his country. These sentiments may be traced in his correspondence and publications, and they are

fometimes accompanied with expreffions of regret arifing from the impoffibility of reconciling his political principles, to the bias of his inclinations towards individuals.

The latest political publication of Sir WilIliam Jones, is prior to the year 1783. The temper of the nation, foured by a long and unsuccessful war, was difplayed during the three preceding years, in the bittereft invectives and cenfures, both in and out of parliament; and those who thought that the principles of the conftitution had been invaded by the conduct of the Minister, fupported by a Majority in the House of Commons, looked to a reformation in the representation of the country, as the only means of restoring the balance of the constitution. The revolution which has fince deformed the political ftate of Europe, was not then foreseen, and the experience founded on the confequences of the fpeculations which led to it, or have emerged from it, was to be acquired. In judging of the political opinions of Sir William Jones, and of the freedom

with which they were published to the world, we should revert to the language and spirit of the times when they were delivered. It may be further remarked, that fome political theories, which were held to be incontrovertible, have of late years been queftioned, and that the doctrines of Locke on Government, which it would once have been heresy to deny, no longer command that implicit acquiefcence, which they once almoft univerfally. received.

In the first charge which Sir William Jones delivered to the grand jury at Calcutta, he told them that he afpired to no popularity, and fought no praise but that which might be given to a ftrict and confcientious discharge of duty, without predilection, or prejudice of any kind, and with a fixed resolution to pronounce on all occafions what he conceived to be the law, than which no individual must suppose himself wifer. His conduct as a judge, was moft ftrictly conformable to his profeffions: on the bench he was laborious, patient, and discriminating: his charges to