others. The Levellers insisted on an equal distribution of power and property, and disclaimed all dependance and subordination. The Millenarians, or fifth-monarchy-men, required that government itself should be abolished, and all human powers be laid in the dust, in order to pave the way to the dominion of Christ, whose second coming they suddenly expected. The Antinomians even insisted that the obligations of morality and natural law were suspended, and that the elect, guided by an internal principle, more perfect and divine, were superior to the beggarly elements of justice and humanity. A considerable party disclaimed against tythes and hireling priesthood, and were resolved, that the magistrate should not support, by power or revenue, any ecclesiastical establishment. Another party inveighed against the law and its professors, and were desirous of abolishing the whole system of English jurisprudence, which seemed interwoven with monarchical government. Even those among the republicans, who adopted not such extravagancies, were so intoxicated with their saintly character, that they supposed themselves possessed of peculiar privileges; and all professions, oaths, laws, and engagements had, in a great measure, lost their influence over them. The bands of society were every where loosened, and the irregular passions of men were encouraged by speculative principles, still more unsocial and irregular.” Among such an beterogeneous mass of extravagance, delusion, fanaticism, and the widest credulity, it will not appear astonishing that one man of a vigorous mind, and boundless ambition, should have converted the madness of the times to his own advantage, and raised himself up to a pinnacle of power far superior to that of his legitimate sovereign, whom he had so eminently contributed to dethrone. Suited to the age in which he lived, and to that alone, Cromwell was equally qualified to gain the affection and confidence of men by what was mean, vulgar, and ridiculous in his character, as to com mand their obedience by what was great, daring, and enterprising. Familiar, even to buffoonery, with the meanest sentinel, he never lost his authority: transported to a degree of madness with religious extacies, he never forgot the political purposes to which they might serve. Hating monarchy while a subject, despising liberty while a citizen, though he retained for a time all orders of men under a seeming obedience to the Parliament, he was secretly paving the way, by artifice and courage, to his own unlimited authority. But it was not until he had carried his military reputation to the highest pitch in Scotland and Ireland, and finally, by the battle of Worcester, given a decisive blow to the royal party, that Cromwell clearly unfolded his ambitious views. The government of the kingdom was vested in a council of state, consisting of thirty-eight members, of whom a great majority were in the interest of Cromwell, and could be considered in no other light than as his creatures. But it was otherwise with the remnant of the House of Commons, which still continued to sit at Westminster. Jealous of the designs of the army, and full of the most extravagant notions of their own competency to govern the commonwealth, they were above all things anxious to disband the army. The council of officers, with Cromwell at their head, aware of the enmity of the Parliament, presented a remonstrance to them, requiring the payment of their arrears, and demanding a dissolution of the Parliament, in order that the people might be at liberty to fill up the vacancies that had occurred in the representation. The house was highly offended with this remonstrance, and made a sharp reply to the council of officers. The officers insisted on their advice; and, by the mutual altercation and opposition, the breach became wider and wider between them. Cromwell finding matters ripe for his purpose, called a council of officers, in order to come to a determination with regard to the public settlement. While the officers were in debate, Colonel Ingoldsby informed Cromwell, that the Parliament was sitting, and had come to a resolution not to dissolve themselves, but to fill up the House by new elections, and was at that very time engaged in deliberations with regard to this expedient. Cromwell, in a rage, immediately hastened to the house, and carried a body of three hundred soldiers along with him. Some of them he placed at the door, some in the lobby, some on the stairs. He first addressed himself to his friend St. John, and told him that he had come with a purpose of doing what grieved him to the very soul, and what he had earnestly, with tears, besought the Lord not to impose upon him. But there was a necessity, in order to the glory of God and good of the nation. He then sat down for some time, and heard the debate. He beckoned Harrison, and told him, that he now judged the Parliament ripe for dissolution. "Sir," said Harrison, "the work is very great and dangerous: I desire you seriously to consider before you engage in it.""You say well," replied the general; and thereupon sat still about a quarter of an hour. When the question was ready to be put, he said again to Harrison, "This is the time; I must do it." And suddenly starting up, he loaded the Parliament with the vilest reproaches, for their tyranny, ambition, oppression, and robbery of the public. Then stamping with his foot, which was the signal for the soldiers to enter; "For shame," said he to the Parliament; get you gone; give place to honester men; to those who will more faithfully discharge their trust. You are no longer a Parliament. I tell you, you are no longer a Parliament. The Lord has done with you: he has chosen other instruments for carrying on his work." Sir Harry Vane exclaiming against this proceeding, he cried with a loud voice, "O Sir Harry Vane, Sir Harry Vane, the Lord deliver me from Sir Harry Vane." Taking hold of Martin by the cloak, "Thou art a whoremaster," said he. To another, "Thou art an adulterer." To a third, "Thou art a drunkard and a glutton. And thou an extortioner," to a fourth. He commanded a soldier to seize the mace. "What shall we do with this bauble? here take it away. It is you," said he, addressing himself to the house, "that have forced me upon this. I have sought the Lord day and night, that he would rather slay me than put me upon this work." Having commanded the soldiers to clear the hall, he himself went out the last, and, ordering the doors to be locked, departed to his lodging in Whitehall. In this furious manner, which so well denotes his genuine character, did Cromwell (says Hume) without the least opposition, or even murmur, annihilate that famous assembly which had filled all Europe with the renown of its actions, and with astonishment at its crimes, and whose commencement was not desired more ardently by the people than was its final dissolution. All parties now reaped successively the melancholy pleasure of seeing the injuries which they had suffered revenged on their enemies; and that, too, by the same arts which had been practised against thein. The King had, in some instances, stretched his prerogative beyond its just bounds; and, aided by the church, had well nigh put an end to all the liberties and privileges of the nation. The Presbyterians checked the progress of the court and clergy, and excited, by cant and hypocrisy, the populace, first to tumults, then to war, against the King, the Peers, and all the Royalists. No sooner had they reached the pinnacle of grandeur, than the Independents, under the appearance of still greater sanctity, instigated the army against them, and reduced them to subjection. The Independents, amidst their empty dreams of liberty, or rather of dominion, were oppressed by the rebellion of their own servants, and found themselves at once exposed to the insults of power and the hatred of the people.— We may add here a reflection, that by recent, as well as all ancient example, it has become evident that illegal violence, with whatever pretences it may be covered, and whatever objects it may pursue, must inevitably end at last in the arbitrary and despotic government of a single person. One of the first measures of Cromwell was to call a Parliament of his own. In this assembly there were some persons of the rank of gentlemen; but the far greater part were low mechanics; fifth-monarchy-men, Anabaptists, Antinomians, Independents; the very dregs of the fanatics. They began with seeking the Lord with prayer. This office was performed by eight or ten gifted men of the assembly; and with so much success, that, according to the confession of all, they had never before, in any of their devotional exercises, enjoyed so much of the holy spirit as was then communicated to them. Among the fanatics of the House, there was an active member, much noted for his long prayers, sermons, and harangues, who took upon himself the appellation of Praise God Barebone. This ridiculous name, which one would almost imagine had been chosen by some wicked wit to suit so ridiculous a personage, struck the fancy of the people; and they commonly affixed to this assembly the appellation of Barebone's Parliament. After sitting about four months, without passing any extraordinary laws, except that which established the legal solemnization of marriage by the civil magistrate alone, without the interposition of the clergy, this Parliament, with Rouse their Speaker at their head, waited on Cromwell, and formally assigned their authority into his hands. Some of them remained behind in the house, and wanted to protest against this act of the majority, but they were interrupted by Colonel White, with a party of soldiers, who asked them what they did there? "We are seeking the Lord," said they. "Then you may elsewhere," replied he, "for to my certain knowledge he has not been here these many years." Cromwell was now proclaimed Lord Protector, and invested with all the regal prerogatives. He had the absolute direction |