Page images
PDF
EPUB

sonous plants to be eradicated; but as wild, to be cultivated. They were at first set in the fresh soil of man's nature by the hand of God. And the scripture describes the divine perfections, and the actions proceeding from them, by terms borrowed from human affections, which proves them to be innocent in their own nature. Plutarch observes when Lycurgus commanded to cut up all the vines in Sparta to prevent drunkenness, he should rather have made fountains by them to allay the heat of the wines, and make them beneficial : so true wisdom prescribes how to moderate and temper the affections, not to destroy them. It is true, they are now sinfully inclined, yet being removed from carnal to spiritual objects, they are excellently serviceable. As reason is to guide the affections, so they are to excite reason, whose operations would be languid without them. The natures that are purely spiritual, as the angels, have an understanding so clear, as suddenly to discover in objects their qualities, and to feel their efficacy: but man is compounded of two natures, and the matter of his body obscures the light of his mind, that he cannot make such a full discovery of good or evil at the first view, as may be requisite to quicken his pursuit of the one, and flight from the other. Now the affections awaken the vigour of the mind, to make an earnest application to its object. They are as the winds, which although sometimes tempestuous, yet are necessary to convey the ship to the port. So that it is contumelious to the Creator, and injurious to the human nature, to take them away as absolutely vicious. The Lord Jesus, who was pure and perfect, expressed all human affections according to the quality of the objects presented to him: and his law requires us not to mortify, but to purify, consecrate and employ them for spiritual and honourable uses.

Philosophy is ineffectual by all its rules to form the soul to true patience and contentment under sufferings. Now considering the variety and greatness of the changes and calamities to which the present life is obnoxious, there is no virtue more necessary. And if we look into the world before christianity had reformed the thoughts and language of men, we shall discover their miserable errors upon the account of the seeming confusion in human affairs, the unequal distribution of temporal goods and evils here below. If the heathens saw injustice triumph over innocence, and crimes worthy of the severest punishment crowned

with prosperity; if a young man died, who in their esteem deserved to live for ever, and a vicious person lived an age, who was unworthy to be born, they complained that the world was not governed according to righteousness, but rash fortune or blind fate ruled all. As the pharisee in the gospel, seeing the woman that had been a notorious sinner so kindly received by Christ, said within himself, "if this man were a prophet he would know who it is that touches him :" so they concluded, if there were a providence that did see and take care of sublunary things, that did not only permit but dispose of all affairs, it would make a visible distinction between the virtuous and the wicked.

It is true, God did not leave the Gentiles without" a witness of himself;" for sometimes the reasons of his providence, in the great changes of the world, were so conspicuous, that they might discover an eye in the sceptre, that his government was managed with infinite wisdom. Other providences were veiled and mysterious, and the sight of those that were clear, should have induced them to believe the justice and wisdom of those they could not comprehend. As Socrates having read a book of Heraclitus, (Vid. Diog. Laert.) a great philosopher but studiously obscure; and his judgment being demanded concerning it, replied, that what he understood was very rational, and he thought what he did not understand was so. But they did not wisely consider things.

Now

The present sense of troubles tempted them, either to deny providence, or accuse it. Every day some unhappy wretch or other reproached their gods for the disasters he suffered. the end of philosophy was to redress these evils, to make an afflicted to be a contented state. The philosophers speak much of the power of their precepts to establish the soul in the instability of worldly things, to put it into an impregnable fortress, by its situation above the most terrible accidents. They boasted in a poetical bravery, of their victories over fortune, that they despised its flattery in a calm, and its fury in a storm, and in every place erect trophies to virtue triumphing over it. These are great words and sound high, but are empty of substance and reality. Upon trial we shall find that all their armour though polished

*Tully himself was guilty of this impiety: Quando neque dii quos tu castissime coluisti, neque homines quos ego servavi, semper nobis gratiam retu lerunt. Tul. 4. Epist. ad. Uxor.

and shining, yet is not of proof against sharp afflictions. The arguments they used for comfort are taken,

1. From necessity; that we are born to sufferings, the laws of humanity, which are unchangeable, subject us to them. But this consideration is not only ineffectual to cause true contentment, but produces the contrary effect : as the strength of Egypt is described to be like a reed that will pierce the hand instead of supporting it. Thus Solon extremely lamenting the death of his son, and being asked why he shed so many barren tears that could not make his son spring out of the dust ? replied, for this reason I weep, because my weeping can do me no good. Our desires after freedom from miseries are inviolable: so that every evil, the more fatal and inevitable it is, the more it afflicts us. If there be no way of escape; the spirit is overcome by impatience or despair.

2. From reflection upon the miseries thạt befal others. But this kind of consolation is vicious in its cause, proceeding from secret envy and uncharitableness. * There is little difference between him that regards another's misery to lessen his own, and those who take pleasure in others afflictions. And it administers no real comfort; if a thousand drink of the waters of Marah, they are not less bitter.

3. Others sought for ease under sufferings, by remembering the pleasures that were formerly enjoyed. † But this inflames rather than allays the distemper. For as things are more clearly known, so more sensibly felt by comparison : he that is tormented with the gout, cannot relieve his misery, by remembering the pleasant wine he drank before his fit.

4. The Stoics' universal cure of afflictions was,' I to change their opinion of them, and esteem them not real evils. Thus Possidonius (so much commended by Tully) who for many years was under torturing diseases, and survived a continual death,

* Nullam tam miseram nominabis domum, quæ non inveniat in miseriore solatium. Malevoli solatii genus turba miserorum, Senec.

+ Tully speaks to the Epicureans: Sed vovis voluptatum perceptarum recordatio beatam vitam facit, & quidem corpore perceptarum. Tusc.

Opinio est quæ nos cruciat & tanti quodque malum est quanti taxavimus. Circumspice ista quæ nos agunt in insaniam, quæ cum plurimis lachrimis amittimus, scimus non damnum in his molestum esse, sed opinia damni. Senec.

a

:

being visited by Pompey at Rhodes, he entertained him with a philosophical discourse; and when his pains were most acute, he said, Nihil agis dolor, quanquam sis molestus, nunquam te esse confitebor malum : in vain dost thou assault me, pain; though thou art troublesome, thou shalt never force me to confess thou art evil. But the folly of this boasting is visible: for though he might appear with a cheerful countenance in the paroxysm of his disease to commend his philosophy, like a mountebank that swallows poison to put off his drugs, yet the reality of his grief was evident: his sense was overcome, though his, tongue remained a Stoic. If words could charm the senses not to feel pain, or compose the mind not to resent afflictions, it were a relief to give mollifying titles to them: but since it is not fancy that makes them stinging, but their contrariety to nature, it is no relief to represent them otherwise than they are. All those subtile notions vanish, when sensible impressions confute them,

5. Others composed themselves by considering the benefit of patience. * Discontent puts an edge on troubles ; to kick against the pricks, exasperates the pain; to be restless and turmoiling, increases the fever. But this is not properly a consolation: for although a calm and quiet submission prevents those new degrees of trouble, which by fretting and vexing we bring upon ourselves; yet it doth not remove the evil, which

may

be very afflicting and grievous in its own nature : so that without other considerations to support the mind, it will sink under it. And as these, so many other arguments they used to fortify the spirit against sufferings, are like a hedge which at a distance seems to be a safe retreat from gun-shot, but those who retire to it, find it a weak defence. This appears by the carriage of the best instructed heathens in their calamities: professing themselves to be wise in their speculations, they became fools in practice, and were confounded with all their philosophy, when they should have made use of it. Some killed themselves for the apprehension of sufferings : their death was not the effect of courage, but cowardice, the remedy of their fear. Others, impatient of disappointment in their great designs, refused to live. I will instance in two of the most eminent among them, Cato and Brutus, † they were both philosophers of the manly sect;

* Levius sit patientia, quicquid corrigere sit nefat. Hor. + Zenoni a quo cæpit rigida ac virilis sapientia.

a

and virtue never appeared with a brighter lustre among the heathens than when joined with a stoical resolution. And they were not imperfect proficients, but masters in philosophy. Seneca employs all the ornaments of his eloquence to make Cato's elogy: * he represents him as the consummate exemplar of wisdom, as one that realized the sublime idea of virtue described in their writings. And Brutus was esteemed equal to Cato. Yet these, with all the power of their philosophy, were not able to bear the shock of adversity. Like raw fencers, one thrust put them into such disorder, that they forgot all their instructions in the place of trial. For being unsuccessful in their endeavours to restore Rome to its liberty, overcome with discontent and despair, they laid violent hands upon themselves. Cato being prevented in his first attempt, afterwards tore open his wounds with fierceness and rage. And Brutus, ready to plunge the sword into his breast, complained that virtue was but a vain name. So insufficient are the best precepts of mere natural reason to relieve us in distress. As torrents that are dried up in the heat of summer when there is the most need of them; so all comforts fail in extremity that are not derived from the fountain of life.

I will only add how ineffectual philosophy is to support us in a dying hour. The fear of death is a passion so strong, that by it men are kept in bondage all their days. : It is an enemy that threatens none whom it doth not strike, and there is none but it threatens. Certainly that spectre which † Cesar had not courage to look in the face, is very affrighting. Alexander himself that so often despised it in the field, when passion that transported him cast a veil over his eyes; yet when he was struck with a mortal disease in Babylon, and had death in his view, I his palace was filled with priests and diviners, and no superstition was so sottish, but he used to preserve himself. And although the philosophers seemed to contemn death, yet the great

* Cape quantum debes virtutis pulcherrimæ ac magnificentissimæ spe. ciem, quæ nobis non sertis, sed sudore & sanguine colenda est. Aspice Marcum Catonem.

+ Et pridie quam occideretur, in sermone pato super cenam, apud M. Lepidum, quisnam esset finis v. tæ commodissimus, repentium inopinatumque prætulerat. Suet.

* Vid. Plutarch,

« PreviousContinue »