ligently obferved, and the law, contained in the preceding citations, be held ever facred: nor let any private person presume to raise the power of the county*, which is the province of the sheriff, under-fheriff or magiftrate; although a cry for weapons to keep the peace may be made in cases of extreme neceffity, and in them only, by private perfons. VI. If any mark of diftinction in dress shall be thought expedient, that the feveral companies may know each other, in the forcible fuppreffion of a riot, let fuch a regulation be feverally referred, with any other rules that may be neceffary, to a committee chosen out of each company. The great advantages of fuch affociations are fo apparent, that I fhall forbear at present to expatiate on them; but fhall be fatisfied with applying to them what PULTON fays of the old tilts and jufts, "that the cause, beginning, and "end thereof do tend do the laudable exercise of "true valour and manhood, and to the encou66 ragement and enabling of the actors therein to "defend the realm and the peace thereof;" and with obferving, in the words of the stat. 33. + De Pace, 25. b. * 1 Hale, II. P. C. 601. Hen. VIII. c. 6, that the musket may now be made, what the long bow was formerly, "the furety, fafeguard, and continual defence, of "this realm of England, and an inestimable "dread and terror to the enemies of the fame." Objections will certainly be raised; for who can propose a measure, however salutary, to which no man will object? I expect them, however, chiefly from thofe, whofe indolence may induce them rather to seek protection from a power able to crush them, than to protect themfelves by joining a power provided by free and equal laws; or from thofe, who, as MILTON fays, "have betaken themselves to state-affairs "with fouls fo unprincipled in virtue and true generous breeding, that flattery, and court 66 fhifts, and tyrannous aphorifms, appear to "them the highest points of wisdom." To fuch men it will be fufficient to give this general anfwer; that, as there is no neceffity of applying either to the executive, or to the legislative, power for permiffion to obey the laws, we are not to debate on vague notions of expedience, groundless jealoufies, or imaginary consequences: the fole question is, "whether the doctrine ex"pounded in these pages be law;" if it be, there is no room for deliberation, fince it is a maxim, that no man must think himself wiser than the law, which is the gathered wisdom of many ages; and fo favourable is the common law of ENGLAND to the rights of our species, which it is unhappily become the fashion to deride and vilify, that, if any man will broach a pofition in favour of genuine, rational, manly freedom, I will engage to fupply him with abundant authorities in fupport of it. I perfuade myself, that infinite good must refult from the general adoption of my plan; and that no poffible evil can be mixed with it, as long as the cautions and restrictions before fuggefted fhall be duly obferved, and our excellent conftitution be kept in its juft balance at that nice point, which is equally removed from the pernicious extremes of republican madness, ariftocratical pride, and monarchical folly; nor have I any fcruple to confefs, that, as every foldier in ENGLAND is at the fame time a citizen, I wish to fee every citizen able at leaft, for the prefervation of publick peace, to act as a foldier: when that shall be the cafe, the LIBERTY OF BRITAIN will ever be unaffailed; for this plain reason-it will be unaffailable. The fecurity, and confequently the happiness, of a free people do not confift in their belief, however firm, that the executive power will not attempt to invade their juft rights, but in their consciousness that any fuch attempt would be wholly ineffectual. |