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breast of every Englishman. I should insult the House by shewing that I distrusted its character, and the character of the country, if I said more, and I should have neglected my duty if I had said less. I now move, Sir,

“ That an humble address be presented to His Majesty to return His Majesty the thanks of this House for his most gracious message:

“ To express to His Majesty the concern and indignation which we must feel in common with His Majesty, at the heinous and criminal conduct of the crews of some of His Majesty's ships, notwithstanding the offer so repeatedly made to them of His Majesty's most gracious pardon, and the proofs of the paternal regard of His Majesty, and of the liberality of parliament, which they have received in common with the rest of His Majesty's fleet.

“ To assure His Majesty, that we are ready and determined to afford to His Majesty our utmost assistance in repressing such dangerous and criminal proceedings, and to adopt every measure which can tend, at this conjuncture, to provide for the public security: with this view we shall proceed, without delay, in pursuance of the recommendation of His Majesty, to consider of such further provision as it may be necessary to make, for the more effectual prevention and punishment of all traitorous attempts to excite mutiny in any part of His Majesty's forces, or to withdraw them from their duty and allegiance, and from that obedience and discipline which are so important to the progperity and the safety of the British Empire :

“ That we have the fullest reliance, that all His Majesty's faithful subjects, from sentiments of loyalty and attachment to His Majesty, and a just anxiety for their dearest interests, will be eager to manifest, at so important a crisis, a full determination to contribute, on every occasion, their utmost exertions for the support of legal authority, the maintenance of peace and order, and the general protection and defence of His Majesty's kingdoms." The question on the address was put and agreed to nemine contradicente.

November 10. 1797.

The order of the day being read for the House to take into consideration the papers which had been laid before them by His Majesty's direction, relative to the late negotiation at Lisle, and the address of the House of Lords being also read, Mr. Dundas moved that the House do concur with Their Lordships in that address.”

After Sir John Sinclair and Lord Temple had spoken, the former of whom moved an amendment to the address,

Mr. Pirt rose, and delivered his sentiments as follows:

Sir- Having come to this House, with the firm persuasion, that there never existed an occasion, when the unanimous concurrence of the House might be more justly expected than on a proposal to agree in the sentiments contained in the address which has been read, I must confess myself considerably disappointed, in some degree, even by the speech of my noble relation, (much as I rejoice in the testimony which he has given of his talents and abilities, and still more by the speech of the honourable baronet, and by the amendment which he has moved. I cannot agree with the noble lord in the extent to which he has stated his sentiments, that we ought to rejoice that peace was not made; much less, Sir, can I feel desirous to accept, on the part of my self or my colleagues, either from my noble kinsman, or any other person, the approbation which he was pleased to express, of the manner in which we have concluded the negotiation. We have not concluded the negotiation---the negotiation has been concluded by others; we have not been suffered to continue it; our claim to merit, if we have any, our claim to the approbation of our country is, that we persisted in every attempt to conduct that negotiation to a pacific termination, as long as our enemies left us, not the prospect, but the chance or possibility of doing so, consistent with our honour, our dignity, and our safety. Welament and deplore the disappointment of the sincere wishes which we felt, and of the earnest endeavours which we employed; yet we are far from suffering those sentiments to induce us to adopt the unmanly line of conduct that has been recommended by the honourable baronet; this is not the moment to dwell only on our disappointment, to suppress our indignation, or to let our courage, our constancy, and our determination, be buried in the expressions of unmanly fear, or unavailing regret. Between these two extremes it is, that I trust our conduct is directed; and in calling upon the House to join in sentiments betwen those extremes, I do trust, that if we cannot have the unanimous opinion, we shall have the general and ready concurrence both of the House and of the country.

Sir, before I trouble the House, which I am not desirous of doing at length, with a few points which I wish to recapitulate, let me first call to your minds the general nature of the amendment which the honourable baronet has, under these circumstances, thought fit to propose, and the general nature of the observations by which he introduced it. He began with deploring the calamities of war, on the general topic, that all war is calamitous. Do I object to this sentiment? No: but it is our business at a moment when we feel that the continuance of that war is owing to the animosity, the implacable animosity of our ene. my, to the inveterate and insatiable ambition of the present frantic government of France, not of the people of France, as the honourable baronet unjustly stated it — is it our business at that moment to content ourselves with merely lamenting in common-place terms the calamities of war, and forgetting that it is part of the duty which, as representatives of the people, we owe to our government and our country, to state that the continuance of those evils upon ourselves, and upon France too, is the fruit only of the conduct of the enemy; that it is to be imputed to them, and not to us?

Sir, the papers which were ordered to be laid on the table have been in every gentleman's band, and on the materials which they furnish we must be prepared to decide. Can there be a doubt, that all the evils of war, whatever may be their consequences, are to be imputed solely to His Majesty's enemies? Is there any man here prepared to deny, that the

delay in every stage of the negotiation, and its final rupture, are proved to be owing to the evasive conduct, the unwarrantable pretensions, the inordinate ambition, and the implacable animosity of the enemy? I will shortly state what are the points, though it is hardly necessary that I should state them, for they speak loudly for themselves, on which I would rest that propo. sition; but if there is any man who doubts it, is it the honourable baronet? Is it he who makes this amendment, leaving out every thing that is honourable to the character of his own country, and seeming to court some new complaisance on the part of the French directory ? - the honourable baronet, who, as soon as he has stated the nature of his amendment, makes the first part of his speech a charge against His Majesty's ministers, for even having commenced the negotiation in the manner, and under the circumstances in which they did commence it who makes his next charge, their having persevered in it, when violations of form and practice were insisted upon in the earliest stage of it? Does he discover that the French government, whom we have accused with insincerity, have been sincere from the beginning to the end of the negotiation? Or, after having accused His Majesty's ministers for commencing and persevering in it, is the honourable baronet so afraid of being misconstrued into an idea of animosity against the people of France, that he must disguise the truth, must do injustice to the character and cause of his own country, and leave unexplained the cause of the continuance of this great contest? Let us be prepared to probe that question to the bottom, to form our opinion upon it, and to render our conduct conformable to that opinion. This I conceive to be a manly conduct, and, especially at such a moment, to be the indispensable duty of the House. But let not the honourable baronet imagine there is any ground for his apprehension, that by adopting the language of the address, which ascribes the continuance of the war to the ambition of the enemy, we shall declare a system of endless animosity between the nations of Great Britain and France. I say directly the contrary. He who scruples to declare, that in the present moment the government of France are acting as much in contradiction to the known wishes of the French nation, as to the just pretensions and anxious wishes of the people of Great Britain - he who scruples to declare them the authors of this calamity, deprives us of the consolatory hope which we are inclined to cherish, of some future change of circumstances more favourable to our wishes.

It a melancholy spectacle, indeed, to see in any country, and on the ruin of any pretence of liberty however nominal, shallow, or delusive, a system of tyranny erected, the most galling, the most horrible, the most undisguised in all its parts and attributes that has stained the page of history, or disgraced the annals of the world; but it would be much more unfortunate, if when we see that the same cause carries desolation through France, which extends disquiet and fermentation through Europe, it would be worse, indeed, if we attributed to the nation of France that, which is to be attributed only to the unwarranted and usurped authority which involves them in misery, and would, if unresisted, involve Europe with them in one common ruin and destruction. Do we state this to be animosity on the part of the people of France? Do we state this in order to raise up an implacable spirit of animosity against that country? Where is one word to that effect in the declaration to which the honourable gentleman has alluded? He complains much of this declaration, because it tends to perpetuate animo. sity between two nations which one day or other must be at peace -- God grant that day may be soon! But what does that declaration express upon the subject ? Does it express, that because the present existing government of France has acted as it has acted, we forego the wish or renounce the hope that some new situation may lead to happier consequences? On the contrary, His Majesty's language is distinctly this: “While this determination continues to prevail on the part of his enemies, His Majesty's earnest wishes and endeavours to restore peace to his subjects must be fruitless; but his sentiments remain unaltered; he looks with anxious expectation to the moment

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