The scattered evidence as to the importance of pestilence as a factor in early modern history which has been here presented is meant merely to be suggestive. It might be amplified from numerous other sources and multiplied manifold. For the most part. it has been gathered indirectly and happened upon incidentally to the pursuit of other investigation. Where it has been taken from other books, their authors for the most part were not particularly or primarily interested in the pest, but noted it because it was inevitably forced upon their attention. A writer on the plague in England has compared it to a shears of Fate which kept trimmed the ragged edges of the population and of great cities, relieving society to a certain extent of the burden imposed by poverty, crime, and social degradation.8o But this interpretation of it as cruelly performing a nevertheless wholesome function seems unduly optimistic. Did it not also breed poverty and social degradation, and perpetuate them? But whatever its character in London, our evidence suggests that for western Europe in general it was a very wholesale affliction. The loss of life everywhere was too great to be called a mere fringe of society; it must have eaten into the vigor of the community as a whole. While the educated and upper classes had a better chance of escaping it than those who suffered from malnutrition or lived in crowded and unsanitary quarters, we have seen that they often failed to escape it, and that even if they did, their life was apt to be much upset by it. It was, then, no mere shears of Fate but a blight upon early modern civilization.

LYNN THORNDIKE.

89 C. Creighton in Traill's Social England, III. 145.

INTERNATIONAL CALVINISM THROUGH LOCKE AND THE REVOLUTION OF 1688

Two contemporary observers picture the influence of John Locke in two revolutions. Shortly after the publication in 1690 of Locke's Two Treatises of Government, justifying the principles of the English Revolution of 1688, his fellow-exile in Holland, the Huguenot critic Bayle, wrote: "Locke's Civil Government proves that the sovereignty belongs to the people." "This is the gospel of the day among Protestants." During the American Revolution Josiah Tucker, dean of Gloucester, remarked: "The Americans have made the maxims of Locke the ground of the present war."

Locke was common property on the eve of the American Revolution. He was quoted in its defense by James Otis, John Adams, Sam Adams, and the Boston town meeting, the Massachusetts assembly, Revolutionary preachers-Howard, West, Stillman, Haven, Whitaker; owned and studied by Jonathan Mayhew; read and recommended by Hamilton, Franklin, and Jefferson; and incorporated in the Declaration of Independence. His works were in scores of colonial libraries-of Weare, Revolutionary "President" of New Hampshire, Presidents Wheelock of Dartmouth and Witherspoon of Princeton (signer of the Declaration), William Byrd of Virginia, the semi-public libraries of Providence, Newport, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston; and the college libraries of Harvard, Yale, Princeton, and Dartmouth where his Government was drawn out eight times, 1775-1776. Locke was an essential element of what Jefferson called "the American mind ".

Locke's influence in government was strengthened by his vogue in philosophy and theology. The Essay concerning Human Understanding was the standard college text-book in Revolutionary days. The " new method of Scripture Commentary, by Paraphrase and Notes", of "the Great Mr. Locke" made his "reputation as a Scripture Commentator exceeding high with the public", wrote President Stiles of Yale, 1775.

Locke was the more acceptable in America because he restated familiar teaching. Jefferson said of the Declaration of Independence: "All its authority rests on the harmonizing sentiments of the day, whether expressed in conversation, in letters, printed essays, or in the elementary books of public right, as Aristotle, Cicero, Locke, Sidney, etc." John Adams coupled with Locke as "de

fenders of liberty and consummate statesmen ", Sidney, Milton, Vane, Selden, Harrington, and Ponet (Calvinistic Anglican bishop) who taught "all that was afterwards dilated upon by Locke". In the American Register, 1769, a cartoon labelled "An Attempt to land a Bishop in America" pictures the bishop hastily reimbarking, murmuring "Lord now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace" The hostile crowd hurls "Calvin's Works", grasps "Sidney on Government" and "Locke" as additional missiles, and waves banners characterizing alike these authors and New England: "No Lords Spiritual or Temporal in New England", "Liberty and Freedom of Conscience".

The political teachings of Locke had been demonstrated as practicable in nine Calvinistic revolutions of representative assemblies against tyranny of bishop or prince: in Geneva, 1536; Scotland, 1559, 1567; the Dutch Declaration of Independence, 1581; the Huguenot civil wars culminating in the Edict of Nantes, 1598; Bocskay's Hungarian revolt of 1606; the Scottish Covenanters, 1038; England in the Civil War, and the Revolution of 1688.

Locke cites authorities sparingly; but in his Two Treatises on Government, his citations are almost entirely Calvinistic: Scripture seventy-nine times; seven Calvinists (Hooker, Bilson, James I., Milton, Hunton, Ainsworth, Selden); one ex-Calvinist, the Dutch Remonstrant Grotius; and only one reference uninfected by Calvinism, the Scottish Catholic Barclay.

Hooker, the secular writer chiefly quoted in Locke's Government, was greatly indebted to Calvin and perpetuated his influence. "The judicious Hooker " cites a dozen times Calvin, "concerning whose deserved authority even among the gravest divines, we have already spoken at large", "his rescripts and answers of as great authority as decretal epistles". "In theology thousands indebted to him, he only to God." Hooker and Bishop Bilson (like other Puritans and Anglicans to about 1636) were brought up on Calvin's Institutes; and these good churchmen and good doctrinal Calvinists give repeated and convincing evidence of the hold Calvin had in sixteenthcentury England. A careful reading of Hooker convinces one that he has rightly been recognized by Keble, Goode, and Mozeley, as Calvinistic in doctrine, though moderate here as always, and differing in matters of church polity from the Puritans and somewhat from Calvin. Sidney Lee has sound evidence for his conclusion that in the “mingling of theology and political philosophy" of the famous Ecclesiastical Polity "the Frenchman Calvin may well claim the main credit of laying the foundation on which Hooker built".

In addition to Calvin, Hooker cites a score of Calvinists whose influence filtered through Locke: Beza and Goulart; Scaliger and the Dutch Calvinistic creed; Cartwright, Reynolds, Fenner; Mornay and the Vindiciae; Peter Martyr, and John a Lasco.1

Three other Calvinistic authors, cited by Locke in his Government, were indebted to the Calvinists quoted by Hooker and to some thirty others whom they cite. Bishop Bilson, unquestionably Calvinistic, and of high repute in the English church, built upon "Father Calvin ", "Brother Beza ", the Calvinists in Holland and France; and justified on a Calvinistic basis the revolts in Scotland, France, and Holland, in his True Difference between Christian Subjection and Unchristian Rebellion, written in 1585 at Elizabeth's instigation to justify English support of these successful rebels, one of the books most frequently quoted in support of the Civil War and the Revolution.

The learned and moderate Selden was a Calvinist in doctrine, good enough to sit as active member of the Westminster Assembly; and in matters of state and church government in substantial accord with Calvin though not always with the Presbyterians. Selden in his opposition to jure divino bishops or jure divino presbyters resembled Calvin, Locke, Milton, and Falkland. Selden owned and quoted with approval Calvin's catechism, Genevan Ordonnances Ecclésiastiques, and three Calvinistic creeds, and the Laws and Statutes of Geneva, regarded Calvin and Beza as doctissimi, cited them with approval some forty-eight times, their Huguenot follower Hotman twenty-five times, and twenty other Calvinists in all over four hundred times.

Milton closely resembles Locke in opposition to tyranny (whether of king, bishop, or presbyter) and in support of tolerance and revolution, upon Calvinistic grounds of contract, natural rights, and sovereignty of the people. After visiting Geneva, where "I was in daily converse with that most learned theological professor, John Deodati ", Milton wrote: " where in the Christian world doth learning more flourish than in Belgia, Helvetia, and that envied Geneva?" His Tenure of Kings and Magistrates, in support of Calvinistic resistance, cites or quotes Calvin; the Dutch Declaration of Independence; the German Pareus and the Italian Peter Martyr, both so influential in England and Germany; Knox, Buchanan, and the com

1 Hooker (Keble ed.), Works, citing Calvin: I. 127, 131-133, II. 542-543, III. 47, 525, 586; Goode, Doctrine of Church of England, pp. 103-104, quoting Hooker, Works, III. ii, 588-589, 642-643, II. 324, 751, on his Calvinism; Lee, French Renaissance in England, p. 138; id., "Hooker", Dict. Nat. Biog.; Mozeley, Predestination, note xix, p. 378 (1878); Hooker, Works, pref., vol. I., pp. lxvi, lviii,

missioners justifying the deposition of Mary Stuart on Calvinistic grounds. After citing eight exiles in Geneva (including Knox, Goodman, Cartwright, Fenner, and Whittingham), and the "Congregations" in Germany and Geneva, Milton adds: "These were the true Protestant divines of England, our fathers in the faith we hold." The influence of these Calvinists and of the Huguenots Hotman and Mornay (Vindiciae) Milton passed on to Locke and New England which he praised for its opposition to bishops, and where Milton's own "principles generally prevail", wrote Jonathan Mayhew, 1761.2

Hooker, Bilson, Selden, Milton are significant examples of the links in the chain of Calvinistic resistance to tyranny forged at Geneva, and through Locke connected with the Revolutions of 1688 and 1776. Of some twenty-six Calvinistic writers who directly influenced Locke, John Adams cited or owned a score. James Otis, quoting Locke, said he might equally well have cited Sidney and the "British Martyrs ", but these would have led to the outcry of rebellion. Locke was, as he himself advised, careful not to "shock the received opinions of those one has to deal with". He was judicious in citation and argument and though of Puritan strain and views was in communion with the "established church".

The half-dozen writers on government and law, outside of Locke, best known in America reveal the same red thread of Locke and Calvinism.

Grotius was bred a Calvinist, under the teaching of the Huguenot Pierre Moulin (father of Locke's own teacher), and of Uytenbogaert who brought to Holland counsel of tolerance from the Calvinist Perrot, professor and rector of Geneva University. Grotius remained a liberal Calvinist of the type represented by the Dutch and other sixteenth-century Calvinistic creeds until he and that type were condemned, largely for political and personal reasons, at the Synod of Dort. Grotius owed even more than he confessed to the Italian refugee Gentilis, professor at Puritan Oxford, whose own De Jure Belli (1588, 1597) and other writings, his affiliations with the London Huguenot church, and his father's specific statements prove him to have been a Calvinist.3

2 Milton, Tenure of Kings, sections 8, 9, 11, 17, 20, 35, 37, 38, 60, 61; Common Place Book (1877, Camden Soc.), pp. 31-33, 39. See also Defensio Prima and Secunda, and Animadversions on Remonstrants. Allison (introd. Tenure in Yale Studies) incorrectly accuses Milton of "wresting" Calvin; cf. Institutes, IV. xx. 31 ("Ephors ") and sermons on Dan, iv. 25, vi. 22.

3 Gentilis's father's statements, Hotman, Epist. 18, p. 328, and 3, p. 261; quoted in Speranza, Gentili Studi, p. 60. Further evidence in Gentilis De Nuptis