casion, might be proper. The loss is the more afflicting, the more to be regretted, as it happened at a period when the services of this noble personage were likely to be most beneficial to society; when he was still young enough to give the hope of further services; still active enough for all the duties of public life: and while he still possessed that youthful vigour and energy which would long have enabled him to support those unwearied exertions, he displayed in every thing that tended to promote the interests of his country; exertions which afforded a sufficient pledge, that, had he lived, the remainder of his days would have been devoted to acts of public benefit. He did not live for the pleasure but for the utility of life; or rather, he lived for the highest enjoyment existence can afford, that of doing good to his fellow creatures. There are many other amiable traits in his character which I shall not attempt to describe here. I may be permitted to observe, however, that those who feel that the greatest benefit which can be done to this or any other country is to

render it more productive, must be sensible that the nation is more indebted to him than to any other person for the efforts he made to improve its agriculture. What was his motive for attaching himself to this pursuit? Because he was convinced, that in the present times that was the best direction he could give to his talents and his means in promoting the real interests of his country; for his humility was such, that he conceived no pursuit too low for him to engage in, if he foresaw that it would tend to public utility. I know, that if the noble personage of whom I have spoken could look back to what passed in this world, nothing could afford him such ineffable pleasure, as the reflection that his memory should be, as his life, beneficial to mankind. I shall conclude with a passage from a very young orator, which appears particularly applicable to what I have said. 'Crime is only a curse for the time, even where successful; but virtue may be useful to the remotest posterity, and is even almost as advantageous to future generations as to its original possessor.'

CHAP.

place in both houses of parliament, on the subject of his majesty's message respecting the civil list. The 29th of March was the day appointed for taking it into consideration.

In the house of lords, lord Pelham (secretary of state) stated the expenditure of the civil list, under the following classes. 1st, The pensions and allowances to the royal family; 2d, the salaries of the lord chancellor, the speaker, and the judges of England and Wales; 3d, salaries of the ministers to foreign courts; 4th, tradesmen's bills; 5th, wages to the servants of the household, including the pension list. There was another class, under the head of occasional payments; and lastly, a general one for all salaries chargeable on the civil list. His lordship then observed upon the necessary increase in increase in the expenses, on account of the increasing prices of every thing. The income of the civil list was not like the income of a private nobleman or gentleman, whose estate usually increased in value proportionally to the increased price of the necessaries of life. The civil list, on the contrary, was a permanent thing,

the vote of parliament, and yet, notwithstanding it had not been increased for the last sixteen years, the debt which was accumulated does not exceed one year's income. He had no doubt but their lordships would readily and gladly vote such relief to the civil list as was necessary. He concluded by moving an address declaratory of this sentiment.

Lord Fitzwilliam moved an amendment to the address, by leaving out part of it, and inserting words signifying that the house would immediately proceed to in quire into the causes of this debt, and the excess of the expenses. His lordship's argument principally turned on this point, that it was, at first sight, impossible that any debt could have been contracted, unless by a direct violation of that act of parliament which had been brought in by Mr. Burke, for the regulation of the expenses of the royal household.

Lord Hobart supported the ori ginal aldress, as the only manner of proceeding, which would mark a proper respect for his majesty.

Lord Holland supported the amendment, and said he could not

vote for the payment of any of this debt without a previous inquiry. He said, that although it was distinctly admitted that the increased expenses were not in his majesty's household, yet he thought it well to apprize the house, that if the civil list had not increased of late years like the estates of private gentlemen, yet his majesty was not liable to the income tax, assessed taxes, and many others that fell upon the fortunes of private gentlemen. The fact was, that this debt principally arose from what ministers had classed as 66 OCcasional payments," and of which they did not appear much disposed to render any account. He thought this account was due to parliament, and he saw no reason why, as in the case of the prince of Wales, a sinking fund should not be created, out of his majesty's income, for the payment of his debts.

Lord Moira spoke very eloquently on the necessity of supporting the crown in its proper splendour, and against the popular opinion, that, royalty was the most expensive form of government. He, however, disapproved of the large sums given under the head of "occasional payments," and in voting for the address by no means intended to preclude himself from future inquiry.

Lord Caernarvon also spoke at great length in favour of an inquiry, previous to voting a sum for the payment of this debt. Besides the occasional payments," which amounted to so large a sum, he objected to the salary of a third secretary of state, which was charge

able on this fund.

Lord Westmoreland compared the civil list at present, with what had been the establishment for the sup

port of royalty during the last cen❤ tury, and showed that the present income of the crown was less than it had been (when the present value of money was considered) for a great number of reigns. King William the Third had an income of 700,000l. per annum clear; and if his majesty continued to possess the hereditary revenues of the crown, which had been given in exchange for this annuity, he would be richer than hơ now is, by eleven millions. As he supposed it must be the wish of the house to support the crown in the same splendour as in former reigns, he supported the address. The house then divided, when there appeared For the address Against it

Majority

60

56

In the house of commons, on the same night, the debate was opened by

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, who began by observing, that though he had no doubt of the loyal attachment of the house to the person of their sovereign, and that they would be readily induced, by motives of generosity and affection, to vote that his establishment should be freed from all incumbrances; yet upon the present occasion it was not to their generosity, but to their justice, he meant to appeal. He trusted that the most diligent inquiry which could be made on this subject, would only tend to prove that his majesty did not receive out of the civil list that enormous sum, which many ignorant persons supposed, for his private expenditure. On the contrary, his majesty did not now possess a greater, or hardly an equal, income to that of any other sovereign who ever sat on the British

throne.

throne. In ancient times the income of the kings of England was so great, that they had hardly any occasion to call upon their people, and could even spare large sums for the oppression of their people. In the reigns of Charles the Second and James the Second, the revenue of the crown amounted to near two millions annually. But to come nearer to our own times, neither George the First nor George the Second had a less income than 800,000l. annually. His present majesty, notwithstanding the great increase of the prices of every thing, had only the same annual sum settled on him at his accession. The consequence necessarily was, that from his accession to the year 1786, debts had been incurred to the amount of a million and a half, which parliament then provided for. For the debts which had unavoid ably been contracted since, he trusted parliament would now provide with equal alacrity. Having touchon the necessary increase of the expenses on the civil list, in consequence of the increased allowance to foreign ministers, to the expenses of the younger branches of the royal family, and the increased expense of his majesty's household, he said he felt perfectly convinced that parliament would be surprised at finding the debt was not greater, and that the splendour and royal munificence which became the throne, had been supported at so small an expouse. He then threw out an idea, which he allowed the present was not the time to discuss, that very probably

the sale of the crown lands in the

West India islands might be applied to the purpose of contributing to the sum he now demanded. He concluded with moving, "that it is the

Mr. Fox rose, and made one of the most eloquent and able speeches that he had ever delivered on any occasion. He declared, that so far from wishing to scrutinize with severity all the minute expenses of the royal family, he felt as strongly as any man, that the splendour of the throne should be preserved, and he wished as much as possible to relieve the sovereign from any difficulty or embarrassment, but he could by no means allow that the comparison which had been made between his majesty's income and that of former kings of England was at all fair. The times had completely changed; and the history of the ancient kings of England had no bearing upon the case of the present kings. If before the revolution, the kings were possessed of immense hereditary revenues, those revenues were in fact the resourses of the nation and held in trust for them. It was from those revenues that the defence of the country, and all the ordinary expenses of government, were maintained. But, since the revolution, the case is altered: now it is the parliament which provides means for the defence of the country, and for the payment of its armies. The civil list establishment is now a mere annuity for the support of the splendour and comforts of the throne. Neither would he allow that his majesty's income was less than his predecessors in any respect; bes des the sum of 800,000l. annually, which was the income at his accession, parliament had not only discharged

debts and incumbrances at different times, but in 1777 an additional 100,000l. per annum was granted. Since that time, in consequence of Mr. Burke's bill, places to the amount of 30,000l. per annum had ceased, which acted as an increase to the civil list. He was always of opinion that the civil list should be voted at the commencement of every reign, and that when a certain sum, namely 900,000l. annually had been granted, ministers had no right to let the expenses be 950,000l. above that income, and then call upon parliament for the difference. He thought the proper plan would be to pay the debts of the civil list by future savings, as had been done in the case of the prince of Wales. He thought the proper address for the house to present to his majesty on the occasion, would be to suggest to him, with all possible respect, that he should distrust those ministers who lead him into unnecessary expense, and that he ought in matters of finance to comply with the restrictions of parliament, and that he should square his expenses by the rules which they in their wisdom had prescribed.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer shortly explained. He said that Mr. Burke himself, who had brought in the bill, did not object in 1792 to a statement of debts subsequently contracted.

Mr. Pitt replied with the most pointed sarcasm to a part of Mr. Fox's speech, in which the latter had said it would be a great hardship on the people to pay the law expenses that had been contracted by the arbitrary imprisonments and other strong measures (as they were called) of the late administration. He denied that those cases which VOL. XLIV.

had been cited by that honourable gentleman, had any bearing on the present case, or in the least warranted the conclusions he had drawn from them; but he would appeal, not to ancient history, but to the records of the journals of that house, that in 1783, at the time when the honourable gentleman (Mr. Fox) was secretary of state, Mr. Burke paymaster, and lord George Cavendish chancellor of the exchequer, there was an exceeding upon the civil list equal to that of 1784. The honourable gentleman certainly could not show a precedent of a similar case being stated to parliament, where the application was refused, and certainly he could not show a case which was ever more fairly laid before parliament. Some of the increased expenses necessarily grew out of the war; for instance, the increased number of foreign messengers, and of some extraordinary ambassadors. He also justified a measure which had been objected to in both houses, namely, the appointment of a third secretary of state. He said the times required extraordinary vigilance, and this measure became necessary. After answering a number of more minute objections, he contended that it must be obvious, that the increase of the expenses of the civil list, from his majesty's accession to the present moment, which had been only in a proportion as from 8 to 94, was by no means equal to the decreased value of money since that period. There was another circumstance which also deserved the most serious consideration. The hereditary revenue, which had been given up to the nation in exchange for the civil list, had increased to the value of 1,500,000l. annually, and was now