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blind rage, anxious to stop the movement which was bringing back France to Catholicity, the originators of this scheme launched into an undertaking of the gravity of which they had only a dim perception. Now that they have pledged themselves to carry it through, they must go on in spite of all considerations; the more so as they are hounded on by Freemason fury, of which it is proper to say a word before concluding.

That Freemason lodges, organized in France from the beginning of last century, and at this time more rampant than ever, have been the main cause of all the revolutions which have disturbed the social state, not only in France itself, but in all the countries of Europe, is a fact which cannot be gainsaid, and of which the Freemasons themselves have often boasted. In spite of their pretended rule which forbids politics from being discussed in their assemblies, and welcomes to their ranks men of all political parties, they cannot now deny that they have been uppermost in nearly all the social and civil commotions that have agitated the Old Continent for one hundred and fifty years. At this moment they are most influential in all elections in France. They have a programme now well known, which all the members are sworn to execute. Each one of them has his part to accomplish, and none of them would dare to swerve from his allegiance to the Grand Orient in all the measures that have been adopted and are prescribed. M. E. d'Avesne has demonstrated all these points in a small volume published last year at Marseilles, entitled, La Franc-Maçonnerie et les Projets Ferry.

But the only matter of interest here is the influence of Freemasonry in the scheme and furtherance of these projects. M. d'Avesne proves that the bill itself comes from the lodges, and that a large number of members of this secret order are actively engaged in working for its success. Their great object is to destroy Catholicity, or rather Christianity, in France; and the bishops in their remonstrance did not fear to allude to this intention, though they did not point out the lodges as the great source of the evil. Many Freemasons in this country may, no doubt, demur from entirely believing this. For it is well known that for a long time Freemasons showed great respect for the name of God, and called him emphatically the great Architect of the Universe. In many places, no doubt, they allowed their members to profess the Christian religion, and Catholics even were admitted to their ranks without requiring from them an open apostasy. This is now entirely gone; and on the Old Continent at least the rankest atheism and materialism is openly professed in their assemblies, and the most violent hatred not only of the Christian doctrine, but even of the belief in God, is manifested on all occasions. But Catholicism is chiefly the

butt of their denunciations, the main object of their fury. The quotations given by M. d'Avesne, mentioning the names of their authors, are in the highest degree revolting; and we have not heard that any of those men openly accused of using such language, have denied it or called M. d'Avesne before a court of law. There is in particular a short passage attributed to M. J. Ferry himself, which has been lately copied and re-copied in many Catholic pamphlets, and which the Minister of Public Instruction in France has never thought proper to contradict or deny. These are the words which M. Ferry is said to have used in the lodge of "Clémente Amitié," of which he is avowedly a member. As they cannot possibly be translated in English, we give them in the original language: "L'Infâme qu'en vain avec le xviii-e Siècle on se flattait d'avoir écrasée, et qui renait plus vigoureuse, c'est la morale n'avançant qu'appuyée sur des béquilles théologiques; et pour tout dire en un mot, c'est l'embrigadement général de la Sottise humaine."

This picture of the state of parties in France is truly appalling. The Freemasons, animated with the spirit which has just been described, occupy many of the most eminent positions in the social and political world. Last year four of the ministers of M. Grévy were members of the order, namely: Le Royer, Lepere, Tirard, and Ferry. In the Senate M. d'Avesne gives us twenty names. In the Lower House it was still much worse. The President, Gambetta, was of course one of them. There were two Vice-Presidents out of four. All the chairmen of committees, except three, were on the same list. The same was true of the leaders of all the divisions of the Left; that is, of the great majority in the Chamber. Of the ordinary members I have counted just sixty.

Beside the executive and the legislature, the majority of the Municipal Council of Paris is composed of Freemasons. Hence a few months ago the schools, directed by Brothers and Sisters under the control of the Municipal Government, were taken from them and given to lay teachers.

It would be useless to go further in this investigation and show the power of Freemasonry in many other influential bodies in Paris; and in particular it would be impossible to recount in detail the number of journalists and publicists who belong to the order. It was under these circumstances that this secret order attempted to take charge of education in the whole country; and to begin with it, the Ferry bill was elaborated as a first essay which should naturally lead to further projects. What will be its fate in the Senate cannot be altogether foreseen at this moment (February, 1880). It is, however, considered certain that its seventh article will be either expunged or essentially modified. Even if it should pass, it would only be the beginning of a prolonged agitation which

must ultimately end in freedom. The short sketch that has been drawn of the number, influence, earnestness, and talent on the Catholic side, cannot leave any doubt as to their ultimate success. Only a crushing persecution such as that which disgraced the first Convention, could temporarily prevent it. But in 1793 religion unfortunately could not sustain itself, because the lay element was altogether wanting. Even in the ecclesiastical body, even among the Regulars, there were scandals which, thank God! are not possible to-day. By the civil constitution of the clergy, schismatic bishops, and priests were directly placed at the head of all the dioceses and churches of France. To-day, if the ruling party went so far in its rage as to inaugurate an open persecution, the amount of devastation required would be so enormous that it would be impossible to carry it fully into effect.

The truth is that France is now divided into two camps; and the army of God is possessed of as much energy, talent, and wealth, as the rabble on the other side can boast of. The colorless description that has just been sketched in this paper, fails to give any idea of the sublime determination which animates the upholders of right. France is evidently destined to be altogether Catholic, and the leader of Catholicism all over the world. Look at her work in the missions of Asia, Africa, and Polynesia. Examine attentively what the children of the Church are doing over her continental possessions and in Algeria. See the immense multitude of religious, educational, and charitable institutions that have been lately founded. Ponder over the proud position taken by her sons in the intellectual world. Her Catholic universities will continue to flourish in spite of all opposition; and from the lips of her theologians, philosophers, and true scientists must come the solution of all the difficulties raised in this age by materialists and atheists. The time of delusion has passed for her. Infidelity had wellnigh destroyed her by reducing the opinions of her pretended men of science to disorganized fragments. Henceforth there will be unanimity in her thought, because she relies only on the solid anchor of truth, on the Catholic faith proclaimed by the lips of the infallible Pastor.

Since this paper was written the Ferry bill has been defeated in the French Senate. This was expected, but the majority against it was much larger than could well be hoped. In the absence of details recent telegrams attach great importance to this event. It seems that the party called Left Centre has openly separated from the remainder of the Left, and has refused to come to any compromise with the Ministry. In this case the Ministry will have to resign, having the majority against it. It is even said that there is no union in the Cabinet. It looks indeed like a complete disorgani

zation of the radical party; and the government that has succeeded that of General MacMahon seems altogether unable to stand in the midst of warring elements. To increase further the hopes of the friends of religion, the mob has not appeared on the scene, though the Chambers are now sitting at Paris. The whole rage is now concentrated in the hearts of radical deputies and senators; and the fury of journalists and scribblers cannot succeed in rousing the rabble against bishops or Jesuits. This is the most hopeful feature of this revolution, for in all the bearings of the case it is a complete revolution. The struggle, however, is far from being over; the city of God cannot so soon obtain peace in France. Still, a great victory has been won; and all Catholics must pray that nothing comes to mar it, and prevent its fruits from being gathered in abundance after this blow inflicted on the godless party.

THE SIXTH NICENE CANON AND THE PAPACY.

Τὰ ἀρχαῖα ἔθη κρατείτω τὰ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Λιβύῃ καὶ Πενταπόλει, ὥστε τὸν Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπον πάντων τούτων ἔχειν τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τῷ ἐν

66

.

τῇ Ρώμῃ ἐπισκόπῳ τοῦτο συνηθές εστιν. Ομοίως δε καὶ κατὰ 'Αντιόχειαν

καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐπαρχίας τὰ πρεσβεία σώζεσθαι ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις.

HOSE holy and venerable Fathers of Nicæa," said St. Leo

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Arius and his blasphemies, enacted a series of church canons destined to have force to the end of times are not dead; for, both here at Rome and throughout the whole world they are judged to be still living in their immortal decrees." We feel this undying influence of the three hundred and eighteen bishops just as vividly to-day, though nearly sixteen centuries have passed since they met in Bithynia, as St. Leo did fourteen hundred years ago. Of the twenty canons which they promulgated, not one has grown entirely obsolete; for the majority of them relate to things of catholic and fundamental interest, and the few which were enacted for the protection of assailed individual rights or the extirpation of local abuses have in them a germ of immortality.

Canon VI. is an instance of this latter class. The main object of the decree is to confirm the time-honored privileges of the See

1 The rest of the canon deals with matters which do not here concern us.
2 Ep. 106, ad Anatolium.

of Alexandria. From time immemorial the bishops of that city had claimed and exercised supreme jurisdiction over the churches of Egypt and the neighboring provinces. They received the appeals of the bishops from the sentence of their metropolitans; they convened and presided over provincial synods; they ordained and, if necessary, deposed bishops; in a word they were, in the phraseology of a later age, patriarchs. Whatever may have been the source of this authority, there is no record of its having been contested by any of the Egyptian bishops before Meletius of Lycopolis raised the standard of rebellion.

This Meletius, as we learn from Socrates,' having been degraded by St. Peter of Alexandria in consequence of many heavy charges, the most grievous of which was that during the persecution he had denied the faith and sacrificed, would not submit to the sentence of his superior; and not content with renouncing all allegiance to the Alexandrian See, he arrogated an equal right with the patriarch to ordain bishops and convene synods throughout Egypt. By attaching to his cause all the disaffected elements through the country, he sowed religious dissension in every parish, and soon was leader of a numerous and devoted faction, which obtained quite a formidable accession of strength by coalition with the partisans of Arius. Indeed the desire of putting an end to the Meletian schism was one of the chief motives which impelled Constantine, "with the advice of the clergy," to convoke the Nicene Council.

The great synod decreed "that the ancient order of things in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis must be maintained, to wit, that the Bishop of Alexandria should have authority over all these provinces." And lest similar disorders might arise in Antioch or elsewhere, the Council enacted furthermore "that all the churches should keep their ancient standing."

The decree thus far is perfectly clear and reasonable; but it is not, to use St. Leo's term, datovizor. Its importance has not survived the ravages of time. Many an age has rolled by since those brilliant luminaries of ancient Christendom-Alexandria, Antioch, Heraclea, Cæsarea, Ephesus-were extinguished. They were undoubtedly grand and princely in the day of their strength, but their greatness was of men and shared the inevitable fate of human things. Of what importance, save to the antiquary, are now those old Patriarchates with their accessories of high prerogatives, august state, and far-stretching boundaries? If it was permitted to those ancient princes of the Church to revisit these mortal scenes, their self-esteem would probably be less mortified by finding that every vestige of their patriarchdoms has been swept away, than by perceiving how

' Lib. i., c. 6.

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