And yet

followed, it ought in our efteem to be the firft. it hath been often proved by learned men, from the writings and epiftles of moft ancient chriftians, that epifcopacy crept not up into an order above the prefbyters, till many years after that the apoftles were deceased.

He next "is unfatisfied with the covenant," not only for "fome paffages in it referring to himfelf," as he fupposes, "with very dubious and dangerous limitations,' but for binding men "by oath and covenant" to the reformation of church-difcipline. First, thofe limita

tions were not more dangerous to him, than he to our liberty and religion; next, that which was there vowed, to caft out of the church an antichriftian hierarchy which God had not planted, but ambition and corruption had brought in, and foftered to the church's great damage and oppreffion, was no point of controverly to be argued without end, but a thing of clear moral neceffity to be forthwith done. Neither was the "covenant fuperfluous, though former engagements, both religious and legal, bound us before :" but was the practice of all churches heretofore intending reformation. All Ifrael, though bound enough before by the law of Mofes "to all neceflary duties;" yet with Afa their king entered into a new covenant at the beginning of a reformation and the Jews, after captivity, without confent demanded of that king who was their mafter, took folemn oath to walk in the commandments of God. All proteftant churches have done the like, notwithstanding former engagements to their feveral duties. And although his aim were to fow variance between the proteftation and the covenant, to reconcile them is not difficult. The proteftation was but one ftep, extending only to the doctrine of the church of England, as it was diftinct from church difcipline; the covenant went further, as it pleafed God to difpenfe his light and our encouragement by degrees, and comprehended church-government: Former with latter fteps, in the progrefs of welldoing, need not reconcilement. Nevertheless he breaks through to his conclufion, "that all honeft and wife men ever thought themfelves fufficiently bound by former ties of religion;" leaving Afa, Ezra, and the whole

church

church of God, in fundry ages, to fhift for honefty and wildom from fome other than his teftimony. And al-. though after-contracts abfolve not till the former be made void, yet he first having done that, our duty returns back, which to him was neither moral nor eternal, but conditional.

Willing to perfuade himfelf that many "good men' took the covenant, either unwarily or out of fear, he feems to have beftowed fome thoughts how thefe "good men," following his advice, may keep the covenant and not keep it. The firft evafion is, prefuming "that the chief end of covenanting in fuch men's intentions was to preferve religion in purity, and the kingdom's peace.' But the covenant will more truly inform them, that purity of religion and the kingdom's peace was not then in ftate to be preferved, but to be reftored; and therefore binds thein not to a prefervation of what was, but to a reformation of what was evil, what was traditional, and dangerous, whether novelty or antiquity, in church or ftate. To do this, clashes with "no former oath" lawfully fworn either to God or the king, and rightly understood.

In general, he brands all "fuch confederations by league and covenant, as the common road ufed in all factious perturbations of ftate and church." This kind of language reflects, with the fame ignominy, upon all the proteftant reformations that have been fince Luther; and fo indeed doth his whole book, replenished throughout with hardly other words or arguments than papifts, and especially popith kings, have uted heretofore againft their proteftant fubjects; whom he would perfuade to be " every man his own pope, and to abfolve himself of thofe ties," by the fuggeftion of falfe or equivocal interpretations too oft repeated to be now anfwered.

The parliament, he faith, "made their covenant like manna, agreeable to every man's palate." This is another of his gloffes upon the covenant; he is content to let it be manna, but his drift is that men fhould loath it or at least expound it by their own "relifh," and "latitude of fenfe;" wherein, left any one of the fimpler fort hould fail to be his craftsmafter, he furnishes him with

two

two or three laxative, he terms them "general clauses, which may serve somewhat to relieve them" against the covenant taken intimating, as if "what were lawful and according to the word of God," were no otherwise fo, than as every man fancied to himself. From fuch learned explications and refolutions as thefe upon the covenant, what marvel if no royalift or malignant refuse to take it, as having learnt from thefe princely inftructions his many falvoes, cautions, and refervations," how to be a covenanter and anticovenanter, how at once to be a Scot, and an Irish rebel.

He returns again to difallow of "that reformation which the covenant" vows, " as being the partial advice of a few divines." But matters of this moment, as they were not to be decided there by thofe divines, fo neither are they to be determined here by effays and curtal aphorifms, but by folid proofs of Scripture.

The reft of his difcourfe he fpends, highly accufing the parliament, "that the main reformation by" them "intended, was to rob the church," and much applauding himself both for "his forwardness" to all due reformation, and his averfeness from all fuch kind of facrilege. All which, with his glorious title of the "Church's Defender," we leave him to make good by "Pharaoh's divinity," if he pleafe, for to Jofeph's piety it will be a task unfuitable. As for "the parity and poverty of minifters," which he takes to be fo fad of "confequence," the Scripture reckons them for two special legacies left by our Saviour to his difciples; under which two primitive nurses, for fuch they were indeed, the church of God more truly flourished than ever after, fince the time that imparity and church-revenue rufhing in, corrupted and belepered all the clergy with a worfe infection than Gehazi's; fome one of whofe tribe, rather than a king, I fhould take to be compiler of that unfalted and Simonical prayer annexed: although the prayer itself strongly prays against them. For never fuch holy things as he means were given more to fwine, nor the church's bread more to dogs, than when it fed ambitious, irreligious and dumb prelates.

XV. Upon

XV. Upon the many Jealousies, &c.

TO wipe off jealoufies and fcandals, the best way had been by clear actions, or till actions could be cleared, by evident reafons; but mere words we are too well acquainted with. Had "his honour and reputation been dearer to him" than the luft of reigning, how could the parliament of either nation have laid fo often at his door the breach of words, promises, acts, oaths, and execrations, as they do avowedly in many of their petitions and addreffes to him? Thither I remit the reader. And who can believe that whole parliaments, elected by the people from all parts of the land, fhould meet in one mind and refolution not to advise him, but to confpire against him, in a worse powder-plot than Catesbie's, blow up," as he terms it," the people's affection towards him, and batter down their loyalty by the engines of foul afperfions :" Water-works rather than engines to batter with, yet thofe afperfions were raised from the foulness of his own actions: whereof to purge himself, he ufes no other argument than a general and fo often iterated commendation of himfelf; and thinks that court holy-water hath the virtue of expiation, at least with the filly people; to whom he familiarly imputes fin where none is, to feem liberal of his forgivenefs where none is afked or needed.

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What ways he hath taken toward the profperity of his people, which he would feem "fo earnestly to defire," if we do but once call to mind, it will be enough to teach us, looking on the fmooth infinuations here, that tyrants are not more flattered by their flaves, than forced to flatter others whom they fear.

For the people's "tranquillity he would willingly be the Jonah;" but left he fhould be taken at his word, pretends to foresee within ken two imaginary "winds" never heard of in the compafs, which threaten, if he be caft overboard, "to increafe the ftorm;" but that controverfy divine lot hath ended.

"He had rather not rule, than that his people fhould be ruined" and yet, above thefe twenty years, hatlı

been

been ruining the people about the niceties of his ruling. He is accurate "to put a difference between the plague of malice and the ague of mistakes; the itch of novelty, and the leprofy of difloyalty." But had he as well known how to diftingnifh between the venerable gray hairs of ancient religion, and the old fcurf of fuperftition, between the wholefome heat of well governing, and the feverous rage of tyrannizing, his judgment in ftate phyfic had been of more authority.

Much he prophefies, that the credit of thofe men, who have caft black fcandals on him, fhall ere long be quite blafted by the fame furnace of popular obloquy, wherein they fought to caft his name and honour. I believe not that a Romith gilded portraiture gives better oracle than a Babylonith golden image could do, to tell us truly who heated that furnace of obloquy, or who deferves to be thrown in, Nebuchadnezzar or the three kingdoms. It" gave him great caufe to fufpect his own innocence," that he was oppofed by "fo many who profeffed fingular piety." But this qualm was foon over, and he concluded rather to fufpect their religion than his own innocence, affirming that "many with him were both learned and religious above the ordinary fize." But if his great feal, without the parliament, were not fufficient to create lords, his parole muft needs be far more unable to create learned and religious men; and who fhall authorize his unlearned judgment to point them out?

He gueffes that "many well-minded men were by popular preachers urged to oppofe him." But the oppofition undoubtedly proceeded and continues from heads far wifer, and fpirits of a nobler ftrain; those priest-led Herodians, with their blind guides, are in the ditch already; travelling, as they thought, to Sion, but moored in the Ifle of Wight.

He thanks God "for his conftancy to the proteftant religion both abroad and at home." Abroad, his letter to the pope; at home, his innovations in the church will fpeak his conftancy in religion what it was, without further credit to this vain boaft.

His "ufing the affiftance of fome papists," as the cause