the attention, at least not so as to produce any considerable apprehension of danger, yet, if it be clear that they are connected with this war, there is so much moral turpitude in them, that, to those who believe in the allsuperintending providence of the Creator, and the Divine inspiration of the Scriptures, they must appear of a magnitude sufficient to excite the extremest solicitude, and the most sincere concern.

It is impossible for any observing man, who is at all conversant with what passes about him, not to notice the unusual animosity which has manifested itself in this contest, both against the French and against all those who differ from the fashionable opinion. So high has it raged amongst a certain class of people, that no words are equal to the description." But this is a war of religion. The French are a nation of infidels-the enemies of all religion; and therefore deserve to be extirpated from the earth."Admirable imitators of Him who came not to destroy men's lives, but to save them!-A war of religion! O ye pious crusaders! Ye never need to sheath your swords. There are wicked nations enow to gratify your holy zeal with everlasting bloodshed.-But shew us your commission. Is it a forgery, or is it derived from Him" who maketh his sun to rise on the evil and on the good, and who sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust; and desireth not the death of a sinner?"-But it is possible that the accusation against our enemies may not be exactly just. Much as we execrate wickedness, yet let us be impartial. Perhaps it should rather be, "They are infidels the partizans of no sect." Nobody suspects them to have much piety, yet, bad as they are, the freedom of every description of worship is protected by all the force of the nation; but as it is likely the majority of the representatives of the people have no religion themselves, they have established none, but have left religion to take care of itself, and work its own way by the native power of truth, just as it was forced to do for the first three hundred years after Christ, without either emoluments or penal statutes in its favour; but with this difference, that no man shall persecute it, nor any one sect persecute another, but if Christianity be from God, that it shall have free liberty to make its conquests. Be our opinion what it may of the utility or mischief of religious establishments among Protestants, yet, is not this preferable to the super

stitions and horrors of Popery? And if God in his pro-
vidence sees fit, by these methods, to overthrow the abo-
minations of Rome, and thus to clear the way for unde-
filed religion, shall we be angry with his dispensations,
or dispute his wisdom? We are not disposed to palliate
crimes, but let us distinguish between the crimes of men
and the justice of Him who makes the madness of nations
the instrument of effecting both his avenging and benevo-
lent purposes. We are imposed upon by names, and
sounds, and misrepresentations, and then, inspired with
zeal without knowledge, set ourselves up for the avengers
of the cause of Heaven. But let us be dispassionate;-
let us examine ourselves as under the eye of God. If ne-
cessity oblige us to maintain war, yet, let us beware of
harbouring in our bosoms the murderous and unchristian
passions of rancour and malevolence. If we are attacked
we have a right to defend ourselves; but benevolence is
to be exercised even towards enemies; and if they hunger,
what are we to do? We know what the malignant spirit
of party and worldly policy will say "Starve them."-
But Christ says,
"Feed them " If we must maintain war,
and justice sanctify it, yet let it be on those principles of
benevolence and magnanimity worthy of a great and en-
lightened nation, and then there might be some plausible
ground to hope for the favour of Providence. But male-
volence would stamp the justest war with guilt. And if
this malevolence should be suffered to take such possession
of us as to inspire our devotions, the guilt would be in-
creased.*

But that we may be enabled to form a rational judgment of the prospect before us, as to success or ruin, let

* What an elegant writer (the author of Reasons for National Penitence,') says on this subject, deserves attention. Among other remarks on the appointment of a general fast, he observes, (p. 2.) "If we imagine that we ought to enter our churches, to pour out our spleen, and express our malice to our enemies, and to mingle execrations against them with our prayers for ourselves, we have grossly misunderstood its purpose and its principles."- (P. 3.) "When we approach the altar of peace with our arms streaming with blood, and our hearts swelling with meditations of still more complete and bloody vengeance, we are only displaying to the world a disgusting alliance of the fiercest barbarity with the most abject superstition.". "Let me conjure you to lay aside that ferocious and unrelenting malice, which is more calculated for the synagogues of Satan than the temples of the Almighty."

us consider the connection in which we stand, and the motives by which we are actuated, whether they be such as are worthy of a free and enlightened people.

With respect to the continental powers, with some of them at least, the origin of the present war was indisputably unjust. Is it not unjust for any one nation to interfere with the internal regulations of another independent nation? An independent nation (whether right or wrong, as to what concerns themselves, does not affect the question) had long groaned under the real or supposed oppressions of arbitrary princes, insolent nobles, and intolerant, debauched, atheistical, and persecuting priests. They feel their wrongs, they perceive their rights, and are determined to redress the one, and vindicate the other. They bring to justice their oppressors; they disarm them of their power, strip them of their disguise, overturn their old oppressive systems, and form such new ones as they think most likely to ensure security and happiness. In effecting all this mighty work, folly is mixed with wisdom, and outrage mingles with justice. They solemnly declare as a nation, that they will respect the rights and independence of all other nations, but will vindicate their own.In such a struggle for the general good, some must be supposed to suffer either real or imaginary wrongs. These plot against the nation; they assemble in neighbouring states; are encouraged; prepare for war, and invoke foreign aid.

Ön August 25, 1790, the neighbouring princes and potentates hold a meeting at Pilnitz; a concert of crowned

I believe that their grievances were real, and that their oppressions were the most enormous that ever a great and enlightened nation, for so long a period, submitted to. Some of these have been enumerated in the First Part of the Signs of the Times."

God forbid that we should withhold our pity either from the unfortunate or the guilty! But let us be just to the cause of general humanity. Let us take heed that, while we condemn the irregular and wicked proceedings of men, we do not also censure the ways of Providence and slander and betray the precious rights of mankind. That illustrious house of thirty-two successions, over the fall of which Dr. Horsley laments so pathetically, was principally illustrious for oppression and bloodshed, for contempt of the poor and abuse of power; and, in its sudden and awful fall, we ought to adore the avenging justice of God; for whether his threatened judgments fall on the second generation, as in the case of the house of Ahab, (1 Kings xxi. 29. 2 Kings ix. 7. x. 1) or on the thirty-second, his hand is still conspicuous, nor is his vengeance the less just.

heads is formed, and it is agreed to invite the other sovereigns of Europe to join the league, and make the cause of the king, and of the other privileged orders of France, a common one. It is determined in the mean while to increase their armies, and prepare for the invasion of France, the first favourable opportunity, that by the overthrow of the new constitution, and the re-establishment of the old despotism, and the former state of things in the church, innovation may be smitten in the root, and all future ones, in other countries, be prevented. Thus did foreign courts assume to themselves dictatorial power over an independent people, and formed a concert, not only for the purpose of overturning the liberties of France, but, as if the world were made for princes, nobles, and priests only, to intimidate all other nations from daring in future, to attempt to meliorate their condition.*-They have sent forth the most despotic and bloody manifestoes that ever disgraced Europe. That of the Duke of Brunswick is expressed in a style of such undisguised barbarity, that even Attila, who boasted of himself as the scourge of God, and the terror of men, would have blushed to have been the author of it. They have invaded France; and the French in return have invaded them. Enormous crimes have been committed on both sides; but we have not yet seen the end.

"But the concerns of the French are so interwoven with the concerns and interest of other nations; that these have felt themselves injured, and their language has been such as to alarm and provoke their neighbours; and we also have been offended." This may be true. But have we acted according to those excellent principles laid down by Jesus Christ, Matth. xviii. and Luke xvii. for the putting an end to strife, and for the prevention of bloodshed? Have we remonstrated and done all that negociation could do to prevent the horrors of war; or has the flaming sword of destruction preceded the olive branch of peace, and vengeance gone before remonstrance? Have we

acted from sober judgment and urgent necessity, or from the dictates of ambition, and the workings of passion? Our innocence or guilt, respecting the blood which is

* Let us look at Poland, and in their history study the justice and be nevolence of courts, and learn the benefit to be derived from a concert of princes! Englishmen have much to unlearn before they can subscribe to that reviving doctrine," Millions were made for one."

shed, and the sorrow which is occasioned, will depend much on the answer which facts give to these inquiries. If this war on the people of France be for the purpose of dictating to them a form of government, on the hypothesis that such an extensive republic in the heart of Europe would operate as a dangerous example, it is unjust. If it be on account of some of their foolish or unjust decrees, yet, if we have not endeavoured, by negociation, to prevent the spilling of human blood, and the accumulation of taxes, it is unjust; and if, instead of this, we have spurned at concession, as though resolved on war at any rate, the injustice is increased. If also it be a war to avenge the execution of the king, or for their humbling the nobility or despoiling the priesthood, it is unjust; for who appointed us the universal judges and arbiters of nations?

"But it was necessary to the prevention of a revolution, and of anarchy in this country." So say a certain description of men. But this is not proved, nor does it appear that it can be. Perhaps it would be more conformable to their true sentiments to say, "We thought it necessary for the prevention of reformation."

Let us then examine with dispassionate seriousness the principles of the war in which we are engaged, that if it be unjust, we may repent, and do what we legally can to wash our hands from the stain of innocent blood. Men under despotic governments may, perhaps, be silent and innocent; but Englishmen are allowed to speak. Under a free goverment, silence is guilt. The nation called for the war; if, after maturer thought, they find themselves deceived, and apprehend not only its impolicy, but its injustice, they are bound to signify it, or innocent blood (that of our own people, at least, supposing the blood of Frenchmen to be of no value in the eyes of the Father of all) will cry against us.

be

Let us farther examine whether we are acting worthy of our character as Protestants and Christians, who are enlightened into the true principles of the religion of Christ. It is possible that our motives and aims may dissimilar to those who are engaged in the same quarrel; but who are they? The dragon and the beast. Most of them have long been the scourges of the earth, the curses of humanity, and their end is to perish for ever. It is possible to suppose that we may mean well; but what are the intentions of the associates by whose side we are fighting?