Frankis spech is cald romance,1 So sais clerkes and men of France. On Frankis style this storie he wrote Of Inglis kinges, &c.2 As Langtoft had written his French poem in Alexandrines3, the translator, Robert de Brunne, has followed him, the Prologue excepted, in using the double distich for one line, after the manner of Robert of Gloucester. As in the first part he copied the metre of his author Wace. But I will exhibit a specimen from both parts. In the first, he gives us this dialogue between Merlin's mother and king Vortigern, from Master Wace. Dame, said the kyng, welcom be thow: Who than gate thi sone Merlyn And on what maner was he thin? That I ne saugh hym never ne knewe 9 Ne I wist, ne I herd, Als a man he spake to me. What maner schap with me so ferd11 Bot what he was, myght I not se17. The following, extracted from the same part, is the speech of the Romans to the Britons, after the former had built a wall against the Picts, and were leaving Britain. We haf closed ther most nede was; And yf ye defend wele that pas With archers18 and with magnels19, And kepe wele the kyrnels; 1 The Latin tongue ceased to be spoken in France about the ninth century; and was succeeded by what was called the ROMANCE tongue. A mixture of Frankish and bad Latin. Hence the first poems in that language are called ROMANS or ROMANTS. Essay on POPE, p. 281. In the following passages of this Chronicle, where Robert de Brunne mentions RoMANCE, he sometimes means Langtoft's French book, from which he translated, viz. Chron. p. 205. This that I have said it is Pers sawe Als he in Romance laid thereafter gan I drawe. Chauc. Rom. R. v. 2170. Balades, p. 554. v. 508. Urr. Crescembin. Istor. della Volg Poes. vol. i. L. v. p. 316. seq. 2 Hearne's edit. Pref. p. 106. 3 Some are printed by Hollingsh. Hist. iii. 469. Others by Hearne, Chron. Langt. Pref. P. 58. And in the margin of the pages of the Chronicle. 4'I must by all means know of you.' 8 White, while. 9 Child. 5 Begott. 6 Awhile. 7 E'er she. 11 Lay. 12 Assured. 16 Wielded, moved. 13 I was then young and beautiful.' 17 Apud Hearne's GI. Rob. Glouc. p. 711. 18 Not Bowmen, but apertures in the wall for shooting arrows. Viz. In the repairs of Taunton castle, 1266. Comp. J. Gerneys, Episc. Wint. 'TANTONIA. Expense domorum. In mercede "Cementarii pro muro erigendo juxta turrim ex parte orientali cum Kernellis et Archeriis faciendis, xvi. s. vi. d.' In Archív. Wolvef. apud Wint. Kenells mentioned here, and in the next verse, were much the same thing or perhaps battlements. In repairs of the great hall at Wolvesey-palace, I find, In kyrnillis emptis ad idem, xii. d.' Ibid. There is a patent granted to the monks of Abingdon, in Berkshire, in the reign of Edward III., 'Pro kernellatione monasterii.' Pat. an. 4. par. 1. · 17 Cotgreve has interpreted this word, an old-fashioned sling. V. MANGONEAU. Viz. Rot, 50 ROUWEN, DAUGHTER OF HENGIST, THE SAXON ROSAMOND. Ther may ye bothe schote and cast Waxes bold and fend you fast. Vortigern king of the Britons, if thus described meeting the beautiful princess Rouwen, daughter of Hengist, the Rosamond of the Saxon ages, at a feast of wassaile. It is a curious picture of the gallantry of the times. Hengest that day did his might, That alle were glad, king and knight, Be fore the king in halle scho went. A coupe with wyne sche had in hand, Be fore the king on kne sett, And on hir langage scho him grett, 'Lauerid king, Wassaille,' seid sche. The king asked, what suld be. Pip. An. 4. Hen. iii. [A.D. 1219.] NORDHANT. Et in expensis regis in obsidione castri de "Rockingham, 100l. per Br. Reg. Et custodibus ingeniorum [engines] regis ad ea carianda usque Bisham, ad castrum illud obsidendum, 135. 10d. per id. Br. Reg. Et pro duobus coriis, emptis apud Northampton ad fundas petrariarum et mangonellorum regis faciciendas, 55. 6d. per id. Br. Reg.'-Rot. Pip. ix. Hen. iii. [A.D. 1225.] SURR. Comp. de Cnarebure. 'Et pro vii. cablis emptis ad petrarías et mangonellos in eodem castro, 75. id.' Rot. Pip. 5 Hen. iii. [A.D. 1220.] DEVONS. Et in custo posito in 1. petraria et 11. mangonellis cariatis a Nottingham usque Bisham, et in eisdem reductis a Bisham usque Nottingham, 7. 45." 'MANGONEL also signified what was thrown from the machine so called. Thus Froissart.' Et avoient les 'Brabancons de tres grans engins devant la ville, qui gettoient pierres de faix et mangoneaux jusques en la ville." Liv. iii. c. 118. Borel, TRESOR. in V. Onques pour une tor abatre, Plus briement ne du ciel destendre Vous puissiez bien les Mangonneaulx, And in the old French OVIDE cited by Ne oit on Mangoniaux descendre a castle in the Romaunt of the Rose, v. Veoir la par-dessus les Creneaulx. Archieres occur often in this poem. Chaucer, in translating the above passage, has introduced guns, which were not known when the original was written, v. 4191. The use of artillery, however, is proved by a curious passage in Petrarch, to be older than the period to which it has been commonly referred. The passage is in Petrarch's book de REMEDIIS UTRIUSQUE FORTUNA, undoubtedly written before the year 1334. G. Habeo machinas et balistas. R. Mirum, nisi et glandes ancas, quæ flammis injectis horrisono sonitu jaciuntur.-Erat hæc pestis nuper rara, ut cum ingenti miraculo cerneretur: nunc, ut rerum pessimarum dociles sunt animi, ita communis est, ut quodlibet genus armorum.' Lib. i. DIAL. 99. Muratori, ANTIQUITAT. Med. Ev. tom. ii. col. 514. Cannons are supposed to have been first used by the English at the battle of Cressy, in the year 1346. It is extraordinary that Froissart, who minutely describes that battle, and is fond of decorating his narrative with wonders, should have wholly omitted this circumstance. Musquets are recited as a weapon of the infantry so early as the year 1475. Quilibet peditum habeat balistam vel bombardam. LIT. Casimiri iii. an. 1475. LEG. POLON. tom. i. p. 228. These are generally assigned to the year 1520. I am of opinion, that some of the great military battering engines, so frequently mentioned n the histories and other writers of the dark ages, were fetched from the crusades. See a pecies of the catapult, used by the Syrian army in the siege of Mecca, about the year 680. Mod. Univ. Hist. B. i. c. 2. tom. ii. p. 117. These expeditions into the cast undoubtedly uch improved the European art of war. Tasso's warlike machines, which seem to be the pet's invention, are formed on descriptions of such wonderful machines which he had read in he crusade historians, particularly Wilhelmus Tyrensis. 1 Gloss. Rob. Glouc. p. 654. 2 Sending about the cups apace. Carousing briskly. 3 Attire. Very rich. 5 Lord. Was not skilled. On that langage the king' ne couthe. 10 And gave the king," sine him kist. Of that wassaille men told grete tale, The 3 Learned. 4 Was called. 5 Saxons For Latiner, or Latinier, an Interpreter. Thus, in the romance of KING RICHARD, hereafter cited at large, Saladin's Latimer at the siege of Babylon proclaims a truce to the christian army from the walls of the city. Signat. M. i. The LATEMERE tho tourned his eye To that other syde of the toune, In which sense the French word occurs in the Roman de GARIN. MSS. Bibl. Reg. Paris. Num 7542. LATIMER fu si sot parler Roman, And again, Un LATIMER vieil ferant et henu Englois, Gallois, et Breton, et Norman. Molt sot de plet, et molt entresnie su And in the MSS. Roman de Rou, which will again be mentioned. A Rou, et a sa gent par LATINIER parla. Par son demeine LATINIER Que moi conta de luy l'histoire, &c. Lord Lyttelton's Hist Hen. ii. vol. iv. App. p. 270. We might here render it literally his Latinist, an officer retained by the king to draw up the public instruments in Latin, as in DOMESDAI-BOOK. 'Godwinus accipitrarius, Hugo LATINARIUS, Milo portarius.' MS. Exc pt. penes me. But in both the last instances the word may bear its more general and extensive signification. Camden explains LATIMER by intrepréter. Rem. p. 158. See also p. 151. edit. 1674. 7 Esteems. 12 Went. 8 Kissing 9 Sport, joke. 13 Taken. 52 LONGTOFT-RICHARD'S ATTACK ON PAYRIM'S CASTLE. Of fair colour, with swete semblaunt. And Hors his brother consentid sone. O pon that maidin his hert so cast, In seisine he had her that night. Of Kent he gave Hengist the right. The erelle that time, that Kent alle held, Sir Goragon, that had the scheld, Of that gift no thing 'ne wist To 10he was cast outell with Hengist.12 In the second part, copied from Peter Langtoft, the attack of Richard I., on a castle held by the Saracens, is thus described. The dikes were fulle wide that closed the castle about, With slenges and magneles16 thei kast1 to kyng Rychard Ten sergeauns of the best his targe gan him bere That egre were and prest to covere him and to were.19 The targe was his warant,20 that non tille him threw. 1 Countenance. 2 Attire. Would not fly off a bit. 3 Marvellously. 4 Pleased. 5 Pagan, heathen. 7 In pagans law. According to the heathenish custom. 10 Till. 11 By. 12 Hearne's Gl. Rob. Glo. p. 695. 14 Causey, 15 Swains, young men, soldiers. 16 Mangonels, vid. supr. 8 Benediction, blessing. 9 Knew not. 13 Lying. 17 Cast. 19 Ward, defend. 18 In Langtoft's French, 'Dis seriauntz des plus feres e de melz vanez, 20 Guard, defence. 21'He could not cease.' Thorgh tham all wild presse on fote faught he fulle wele. And whan he was withinne, and fauht as a wilde leon, He fondred the Sarazins otuynne,1 and fauht as a dragon, Without the cristen gan crie, allas! Richard is taken, Tho Normans were sorie, of contenance gan blaken, To slo downe and to stroye never wild thei stint Thei left for dede no noye2, ne for no wound no dynt, That in went alle their pres, maugre the Sarazins alle, An fond Richard on des fightand, and wonne the halle3. From these passages it appears, that Robert of Brunne has scarcely more poetry than Robert of Glocester. He has however taken care to acquaint his readers, that he avoided high description, and that sort of phraseology which was then used by the minstrels and harpers : that he rather aimed to give information than pleasure, and that he was more studious of truth than ornament. As he intended his chronicle to be sung, at least by parts, at public festivals, he found it expedient to apologise for these deficiencies in the prologue; as he had partly done before in his prologue to the MANUAL OF SINS. I mad noght for no disours1 For many it ere Ne for seggers no harpours, That strange Inglis cannot ken": that strange Inglis In rhyme wate7 never what it is. I made it not for to be praysed, Bot at the lewed men were aysed. He next mentions several sorts of verse, or prosody; which were then fashionable among the minstrels, and have been long since unknown. If it were made in rhyme couwee, Or in strangere or enterlace, &c. 'The rhymes here called, by Robert de Brunne, Couwee, and Enterlace, were undoubtedly derived from the Latin rhymers of that age, who used versus caudati et interlaqueati. Brunne here professes to avoid these elegancies of composition, yet he has intermixed many passages in Rime Couwee. CHRONICLE, 266. 273. &c. And almost all the latter part of his work from the Conquest is written in rhyme enterlacee, each couplet rhyming in the middle, as well as the end. As thus, MSS. HARL. 1002. Plausus Græcorum | lux cæcis et via claudis | 2 Annoy. 3 Chron. p. 182. 183. 1 He formed the Saracens into two 'parties.' 4 Tale-tellers, Narratores, Lat. Conteours, Fr. Seggers in the next line perhaps means the same thing, i. e. Sayers. The writers either of metrical or of prose romances. Antholog. Fran. p. 17. 1765. 8vo. Or Disours may signify Discourse, i. e. adventures in prose. We have the 'Devil's disours,' in P. Plowman, fol. xxxi. b. edit. 1550. Disour precisely signifies a tale-teller at a feast in Gower, Conf. Amant. Lib. vii. fol. 155. a edit. Berthel. 1554. He is speaking of the coronation festival of a Roman Emperor. When he was gladest as his mete, And every DISSOUR had saide Du Cange says, that Discurs were judges of It ere, There are. Know. And every minstrell had plaide |