wonderful discoveries. This is partially true;* but when, in evidence of the deep-rooted continental prejudices in favour of the Cartesian philosophy, he asserts that Fontenelle, in his éloge of Newton, gave the preference to Des Cartes, we must say that, however that preference may be inferred from the venerable savant's adhesion to his long-formed convictions, it is no where expressed; and both these ornaments of science are equally placed in the highest sphere of human genius.-" Les bornes qui dans ces deux routes contraires ont pu arrêter deux hommes de cette espèce, ce ne sont pas les bornes de leur esprit, mais celles de l'esprit humain." This eulogy applies alike to both, and no superiority is assigned. It is singular, in reference to Voltaire's visit to England, that Condorcet, his disciple and biographer, secretary, moreover, like Fontenelle, of the Academy of Sciences, should be so ill-informed as to state (page 15, edit. of 1817,) that, on Voltaire's arrival there, in October, * Only in reference to France; for the brothers Bernouilli-Peter Van Musschenbrock-William Jacob S'Gravesande, and other continental professors, were well acquainted with Newton's discoveries; and the two latter, who were associated in the Leyden University, taught them before Voltaire's work appeared. Musschenbrock, while professor at Utrect in 1726, published his "Introductio ad Philosophiam Naturalem," preceded by his discourse"De certa methodo philosophiæ experimentalis," &c.; and S'Gravesande, who formed a personal friendship with Newton in England, on his return to Leyden in 1717, wrote his-" De Matheseos in omnibus scienciis usu," &c., as also his "Physices elementa.... sive introductio ad Philosophiam Newtonianam," &c., in 1720,-whereas Voltaire's "Eléments de la Philosophie de Newton, mis à la portée de tout le monde," (which Des Fontaines sarcastically transformed into “mis à la porte de tout le monde,) did not appear until 1738. He had consulted S'Gravesande on it. Other works in proof of Newton's philosophy could also be named as anterior in date to Voltaire's, which, however, circulated and popularised it, as did Algarotti even for the ladies, in his "Newtonianismo per le Dame," in 1733, consequently previous to Voltaire's volume. 1726, the first date of his letter from London, Newton no longer lived-" Newton n'était plus,”—while we know that his death did not occur till the 20th of March, 1727. We were certainly not prepared to discover the least aberrance from fact in a man of science, and Voltaire's biographer, as to the relative dates of two such events as the death of Newton, and the residence, so influential in its consequences, of Voltaire in England. Another circumstance connected with his sojourn there, though a little later, is thus related in his prefatory letter, dated the 20th January, 1742, to Frederick, on his tragedy of Mahomet-“J'ai été presque témoin en Angleterre, de ce que peut sur une imagination jeune et faible la force du fanatisme. Un enfant de seize ans, nommé, Shepherd, se chargea d'assassiner le roi George, votre aïeul maternel. Quelle était la cause qui le portait à cette frénésie? C'était uniquement que Shepherd n'était pas de la même religion que le roi." Voltaire would have us here believe that this misled boy, who, however, was eighteen years old, was not a Protestant but a Catholic; while it is perfectly ascertained, that he had constantly lived as he died, a strict communicant of the Church of England, whose creed was necessarily professed by the king, originally a Lutheran. At the youth's execution, an indelible blemish on the age and nation, as observed by Lord Chesterfield, he was administered and absolved by the Rev. Mr. Owen, a non-juring Anglican clergyman. The impelling motive was political, not religious, in character, as was that of the young Stapz, in 1809, when aiming at the life of Napoleon. The more desperate attempts on Louis Philippe, have all sprung from the same source: but it is well worth recollecting, that the first recorded "Quem non bellorum rabies, non hostium ensis, For the particulars as above of Shepherd's execution, we refer to Howell's State Trials, vol. xv., with Tindal's Continuation of Rapin, vol. xxvii. The popular demand, and consequent influence of Voltaire's works, may be deduced from the established fact, that, in the short space of seven years, from 1817 to 1824, editions forming the enormous accumulation of two millions, seven hundred and forty-one thousand volumes, of his and his rival in fame, and, though "parvo intervallo," in evil, issued from the press; thirteen of Rousseau's, and twelve of the Patriarch's, emulously purchased by the insatiate and deluded public. 66 Illei imprudentes ipsei sibi sæpe venenum As their united works amount at least to one hundred volumes, an average edition may thus be estimated at two thousand two hundred copies. These figures are authenticated by official records. After the demise of Voltaire, his niece, Madame Denis, at the age of sixtynine, married a M. Duvivier, and Rousseau's worthless widow found a husband in an Irish groom, who had served as such for a short time in our own family. Both, in their way, were long the tormentors of the celebrated men to whom they owe, if it be an obligation, the preservation of their names. How far Térése contributed to enbitter the life of her morbid husband, may be seen in his writings, confirmed by the uniform report of his friends; and Voltaire's frequent dissensions with Madame Denis, are attested by his secretaries, Longchamps and Wagnière, in their "Mémoires." The lady's letter to him, in the Supplement to his Correspondence, and adverted to by him G in addressing his friend Argental, the 28th February, 1754, shows how she estimated her uncle's character. Lord Brougham also quotes it at page 76, as referring rather to his temper than to any inherent defect of feeling; a most indulgent construction, truly, but utterly repudiated by the text-"L'amour de l'argent vous tourmente; ne me forcez pas de vous haïrVous êtes le dernier des hommes par le cœur," &c. And a living countryman of his emphatically calls him "l'homme qui couvrit de boue l'héroique et sainte fille, (the Maid of Orleans,) à qui la France doit de n'être pas Anglaise; l'homme qui félicitait le roi de Prusse de ses victoires contre notre patrie qu'il niait, et qui ne trouvait pas de termes assez orduriers pour insulter à nos soldats-l'homme qui ratifia, par ses louanges courtisanesques, l'odieux partage de la Pologne," &c. Voltaire was no favourite with Napoleon, even as a dramatic poet, though some of his tragedies surely possess great merit, more eminently Zaïre and Mérope; but in various respects the Ex-Emperor, as we learn from Las Cases, and others, looked on him as the perverter of morals and religion.* In his work on the *Lord Brougham's passing review of Voltaire's dramatic compositions would challenge a few remarks, did our space or object comport with their introduction. Long and early have they been familiar to our eyes and ears, in perusal and representation; for, with the beauty of his prose diction, they are entitled to high praise. His minor poetry is not less so. Would that he had always exercised his powers on commendable subjects and with suitable spirit! Voltaire's Henriade, the only epic to be named in France, has long fallen into inferior estimation-Hayley, in his Essay on Epic Poetry, has not inaptly characterised it : "The verse displays beneath an epic name, |