14. THAT men proclaim their own virtues, as shopkeepers expose their goods, in order to profit by them.

15. THAT the heart was the proper seat of hatred, and the countenance of affection and friendship.

He had many more of the same kind, all equally good with 5 these, and which were after his decease found in his study, as the twelve excellent and celebrated rules were in that of King Charles the first; for he never promulgated them in his life time, not having them constantly in his mouth, as some grave persons have the rules of virtue and morality, without paying 10 the least regard to them in their actions; whereas our hero, by a constant and steady adherence to his rules in conforming every thing he did to them, acquired at last a settled habit of walking by them, till at last he was in no danger of inadvertently going out of the way; and by these means he arrived at that 15 degree of GREATNESS, which few have equalled; none, we may say, have exceeded: For, tho' it must be allowed that there have been some few heroes, who have done greater mischiefs to mankind, such as those who have betrayed the liberties of their country to others, or have undermined and 20 over-powered it themselves, or conquerors who have impoverished, pillaged, sacked, burnt, and destroyed the countries and cities of their fellow creatures, from no other provocation than that of glory; i.e. as the tragic poet calls it,

A Privilege to kill,

A strong Temptation to do bravely ill.

yet, if we consider it in the light wherein actions are placed in this line,

Lætius est, quoties magno tibi constat honestum.

25

when we see him, without the least assistance or pretence, 30 setting himself at the head of a gang, which he had not any

shadow of right to govern; if we view him maintaining absolute power, and exercising tyranny over a lawless crew, contrary to all law, but that of his own will. If we consider him setting up an open trade publicly, in defiance, not only of the 5 laws of his country but of the common sense of his countrymen; if we see him first contriving the robbery of others, and again the defrauding the very robbers of that booty, which they had ventured their necks to acquire, and which without any hazard they might have retained: Here sure he must appear 10 admirable, and we may challenge not only the truth of history, but almost the latitude of fiction, to equal it.

XXII

[MATTERS POLITICAL]

"How can it be otherwise? says the peer. Do you think it is possible to provide for all men of merit?"

"Yes, surely do I," said the Doctor. "And very easily 15 too."

"How pray?—cries the Lord

be glad to know."

66

-"Upon my word, I shall

'Only by not providing for those of none The men of merit in any capacity are not I am afraid so extremely numer20 ous, that we need starve any of them, unless we wickedly suffer a set of worthless fellows to eat their bread."

"This is all mere Utopia, cries his Lordship. The chimerical system of Plato's Commonwealth with which we amused ourselves at the university; politics which are inconsistent 25 with the state of human affairs."

"Sure, my Lord, cries the Doctor, we have read of states where such doctrines have been put in practice. What is your Lordship's opinion of Rome in the earlier ages of the

commonwealth, of Sparta, and even of Athens itself, in some periods of its history?"

"Indeed, Doctor, cries the Lord, all these notions are obsolete and long since exploded. To apply maxims of government drawn from the Greek and Roman histories, to this 5 nation, is absurd and impossible. But if you will have Roman examples, fetch them from times like our own. Do you not know, Doctor, that this is as corrupt a nation as ever existed under the sun? And would you think of governing such a people by the strict principles of honesty and morality?"

"If it be so corrupt, said the Doctor, I think it is high time to amend it. Or else it is easy to foresee the consequence : for corruption in the body politic as naturally tends to dissolution as in the natural body."

IO

"I thank you for your simile, cries my Lord for in the 15 natural body, I believe, you will allow there is the season of youth, the season of manhood, and the season of old age; and that, when the last of these arrives, it will be an impossible attempt by all the means of art to restore the body again to its youth, or to the vigour of its middle age. The same 20 periods happen to every great kingdom. In its youth it rises by arts and arms to power and prosperity. This it enjoys and flourishes with a while; and then it may be said to be in the vigour of its age, enrich'd at home with all the emoluments and blessings of peace, and formidable abroad with all 25 the terrors of war. At length this very prosperity introduces corruption; and then comes on its old age. Virtue and learning, art and industry, decay by degrees. The people sink into sloth and luxury, and prostitution. It is enervated at home, becomes contemptible abroad; and such indeed is 30 its misery and wretchedness, that it resembles a man in the last decrepid stage of life, who looks with unconcern at his approaching dissolution."

"This is a melancholy picture indeed," cries the Doctor; "and if the latter part of it can be applied to our case, I see nothing but religion which should prevent a man of spirit from hanging himself out of the way of so wretched a con5 templation."

"Why so?" said the peer; "Why hang himself, Doctor? Would it not be wiser, think you, to make the best of your time, and the most you can in such a nation?"

"And is religion then to be really laid out of the quesIo tion? cries the Doctor.

"If I am to speak my own opinion, sir," answered the peer, "you know I shall answer in the negative. - But you are too well acquainted with the world to be told, that the conduct of politicians is not formed upon the principles of 15 religion."

"I am very sorry for it," cries the Doctor; "but I will talk to them then of honour and honesty: This is a language which I hope they will at least pretend to understand. Now to deny a man the preferment which he merits, and to give 20 it to another man who doth not merit it, is a manifest act of injustice; and is consequently inconsistent with both honour and honesty. Nor is it only an act of injustice to the man himself, but to the public, for whose good principally all public offices are, or ought to be instituted. Now this good 25 can never be completed, nor obtained, but by employing all persons according to their capacities. Wherever true merit is liable to be superseded by favour and partiality, and men are intrusted with offices, without any regard to capacity or integrity, the affairs of that state will always be in a deplor30 able situation. Such, as Livy tells us, was the state of Capua,

a little before its final destruction; and the consequence your Lordship well knows. But, my Lord, there is another mischief which attends this kind of injustice, and that is, it

5

hath a manifest tendency to destroy all virtue and all ability
among the people, by taking away all that encouragement
and incentive, which should promote emulation, and raise
men to aim at excelling in any art, science, or profession.
Nor can anything, my Lord, contribute more to render a
nation contemptible among its neighbours; for what opinion
can other countries have of the councils, or what terror can
they conceive of the arms of such a people? And it was
owing singly, perhaps, to the avoiding this error, that Oliver
Cromwell carried the reputation of England higher than it ever 10
was at any other time. I will add only one argument more,
and that is founded on the most narrow and selfish system
of politics; and this is, that such a conduct is sure to create
universal discontent and grumbling at home: for nothing can
bring men to rest satisfied, when they see others preferred to 15
them, but an opinion that they deserve that elevation; for as one
of the greatest men this country ever produced, observes,

One worthless Man that gains what he pretends,
Disgusts a thousand unpretending Friends.

With what heartburnings then must any nation see them- 20
selves obliged to contribute to the support of a set of men,
of whose incapacity to serve them they are well apprized, and
who do their country a double diskindness; by being them-
selves employed in posts to which they are unequal, and by
keeping others out of those employments, for which they are 25
qualified ! "

"And do you really think, Doctor," cries the nobleman, "that any minister could support himself in this country upon such principles as you recommend? Do you think he would be able to baffle an opposition, unless he should oblige his 30 friends by conferring places often, contrary to his own inclinations, and his own opinion?"