be attained.1 The Irish army, probably influenced by Henry, petitioned that the Protector should go on to make "a thorough settlement of these our enjoyments; and that, upon such a Basis, as may be most firm in itself, and most suitable to the constitution of these nations." The last phrase obviously pointed to kingship as the desirable basis. In Baillie's opinion the addresses of the armies in both Scotland and England also encouraged "the Protector to proceed," and it was thought, he added, that "on the councell's act and armie's petition, the Crown shall be put on." "Sundry shyres" were also "said to be forming petitions to his Highness to accept of the title of King." Without doubt, many of those who signed the army petitions must have done so in the expectation that kingship would be the outcome. As to the shires, certain petitions did appear in July and August, asking for settlement, with an evident reference to kingship as the government "most natural and acceptable to the nation."4

The need of settlement a settlement that would compel the obedience of those inclined to royalty-was ominously emphasized by the prominence among the conspirators in the plot of 1658 of many young royalists who had hitherto shown themselves wellaffected to the Protector and his government. This was a grave and most significant fact; for this younger generation, which had taken. no active part in the quarrels of the past, should have known no allegiance excepting that to the established government. It was otherwise, however, and largely because these young men found themselves excluded from all participation in public affairs because they were members of Cavalier families; partly, too, no doubt, because of the severity with which the government of the majorgenerals had handled the Cavaliers. It was necessary to have a settlement that should strike at the sources of this disaffection.

115.

1April 7, 1658, ibid., VII. 56; April 14, 1658, ibid., 72; [May?], 1658, ibid.,

Public Intelligencer, June 14-21, 1658.

3 Baillie to Spang, [June, 1658], Baillie, III. 360.

"V. That in your Highness life time such provision be made for the future Government of the Commonwealth, as may secure the interest of the good people of these Nations for succeeding Generations, That they may call you Blessed." Petition to Oliver of justices of peace, etc., of Nottingham, July 23, 1658, Public Intelligencer, August 9-16, 1658.

"And that your Highness would be pleased to enlarge our hopes of the continuance and increase of our present happines, by the further settlement and practice of that Government amongst us, which hath been found most natural and acceptable to this Nation, and is such as (administered by good hands) will we doubt not very much tend to the tranquility and felicity of this Commonwealth, your Highness and posterity.” Petition from the grand jurors of the county of York, Mercurius Politicus, August 12–19, 1658.

5" And they have enticed many young gentlemen, that were never before of their party." Thurloe to H. Cromwell, April 27, 1658, Thurloe, VII. 99. See also H. Cromwell's remarks on the young Cavaliers. To Thurloe, June 30, 1658, ibid., 218.

2

It is a question of prime importance to determine Cromwell's attitude towards the renewal of the project of kingship. Bernardi asserted positively that Cromwell designed to be king; and the author of the Second Narrative remarks that it "is reported" that though Cromwell refused the kingship, he "hath since repented his then Refusal." That either of these individuals spoke with authority cannot be pretended, but certainly Cromwell had had reason to regret "his then refusal," and since he had once with much less provocation determined to accept kingship, one is surely justified in inferring that now he would willingly have become king. Moreover, if Broghill was to be believed, Cromwell had certainly concluded to accept the monarchical form of government. hope," wrote Henry Cromwell, "his highnes brave resolutions not to be cozened again will beget a serenity in your lordship's intentions."3 And in May he hoped that "his highnes's . . . promises that he will ratify and prepare the army for due compliance, etc." would encourage Broghill not to retire. It is clear from these quotations and from the general tone of Henry's letters that Broghill had asserted that Cromwell would "prepare the army for due compliance," in other words, that he was ready to assist in establishing the new monarchy.

That Cromwell was willing to accept such a settlement is also inferable from Thurloe's letters, as will be seen. That such a willingness would be apparent to the antimonarchists and that it would. aggravate their opposition to kingship is self-evident. They had attempted to prevent the calling of a Parliament, and despite the resolution taken by the council that a Parliament should be summoned, they were still capable of delaying indefinitely the meeting of that body. The leaders of the republican faction in the council hit upon a bold expedient to thwart the monarchists. This was no less than the reconciliation of Cromwell with the leaders of the old Long Parliament. It was suggested that to this end Vane, Ludlow, and Rich should be taken into the council. Of course this plan contemplated a considerable return to the system of the Commonwealth, for no one could believe that such irreconcilables as these would ever consent to the protectoral government, not to speak of kingship. That they had been approached is certain, and that it was the antimonarchists who wished to call them into the council is also certain. Nothing, however, came of this effort at reconciliation.

1 Bernardi, March, 1658, Prayer, 475

Second Narrative, Harleian Miscellany (edition of 1745), III. 462.

3 H. Cromwell to Broghill, April 14, 1658, Thurloe, VII. 72.

H. Cromwell to Broghill, [May ?], 1658, ibid., 115.

5. I am glad to hear of Ludlow, Rich, and also Sir Harry Vane's compliance," wrote Henry Cromwell. He doubted, however, the completeness of that compliance,

Progress in any direction seemed indeed to be impossible. "As for our owne affaires," wrote Thurloe, "they stand much at one staye some discourses have beene this weeke about a settlement, and how to prepare for the comeinge of a parliament; but I doe assure your excellency, that I cannot finde the mindes of men soe disposed, as may give the nation the hopes of such a settlement as is wish'd for; and truly I thinke, that nothinge but some unexpected providence can remove the present difficulties." This was on the first of June; and two weeks later Fleetwood wrote that "farther considerations of what is necessary as previous to the parliament" had been had, but "no resolution" had yet been reached. Despairing of ever getting the matter determined by the council, Cromwell now appointed a committee of nine to settle it.3 Of course it was necessary to place members of both factions on this committee, and Cromwell would certainly never have dreamed of constituting it otherwise. The antimonarchists, however, had a majority, though two of their number were lukewarm in opposition. When Henry Cromwell was informed of the constitution of this new body, he spoke with bitter scorn and contempt of the new body and of the effort to reach settlement through its mediation.* His contempt was justified, for after several weeks of debate on the question of settlement the majority "voted that succession in the government was indifferent," it might well be either by election or hereditary. This colorless conclusion was, of course, satisfactory to no one; and several of the antimonarchists insisted upon the and added, "Neither do I think, that your affairs will gain much reputation by their being in your councell." He continues : "Is it not also a matter worth observation, who are the men, that are most industrious to call in such help? May it not be a design to obstruct and clog the business, when no other way is left to hinder your settlement, or cover their own disaffection? . . . He, that runs along with you, may more easily trip up the heals, than he, that wrestles with you; but my jealousy is easily appeased, when you say his highness hath an opportunity in his hands to settle." H. Cromwell to Thurloe,

June 2, 1658, ibid., 154, 155.

1 Thurloe to H. Cromwell, June 1, 1658, ibid., 153.

2 Fleetwood to H. Cromwell, June 15, 1658, ibid., 176. Fleetwood expected Parliament to meet in September.

...

3 There are 9 in number, who dayly meet for consideringe of what is fitt to be done in the next parliament. The 9 are lord Fiennes, lord Fleetwood, lord Desbrow, lord Chamberlayne, lord Whalley, Mr. comptroller, lord Goffe, lord Cooper, and Your Excellency's

Most humble and faithfull servant

Jo. Thurloe."

Thurloe to H. Cromwell, June 22, 1658, ibid., 192. See also Philips's remarks upon this junto and Cromwell's balancing of parties on it, in his Continuation of Baker's Chronicle (ed. 1674), 652.

"The wise men were but 7. It seems you have made them 9; and having heard their names, I think myself better able to guess what they'll do, then a much wiser man; for no very wise man can ever imagine it." II. Cromwell to Thurloe, June 30, 1658, Thurloe, VII. . IS.

desirability of the elective method as specified in the Humble Petition and Advice, "that is, that the chiefe magistrate should alwayes name his successor, . . . and I feare the word desirable will be made necessary, if ever it come upon the tryall," ' complained Thurloe. The question of the succession was evidently still the kernel of the whole problem. Of course, if succession was to be hereditary, the protectorate was in all essentials a monarchy.

Cromwell's position is pretty clearly determinable by his reception of the committee's report. He discharged them from further consideration of the matter, and declared that he would "take his own resolutions," that he could no "longer satisfie hymselfe to sitt still, and make himselfe guilty of the losse of all the honest partye, and of the nation itselfe." 2 This was a decisive declaration in favor of the monarchists, as Thurloe evidently believed. Cromwell was apparently determined to act, and in the way they desired. Still the opposition waxed no fainter, and the egress from the political cul-de-sac was not found. "I doubt the thinge most to be feared," said Thurloe, “is, that some men, who oppose, and, I beleeve, will certainly disappoint such a settlement, which others can positively advise, doe not know what they would have; and it may be account it the best way to fix no where, but to fancye themselves in the condition of Israel in the wildernesse, who knewe not overnight which way their journey was to lye the next morning. And truly," he adds, with acrid pleasantry, "I should rejoice to be in this condition, if these gentlemen had as sure a guide as the Israelites." Only one thing was resolved upon-that a Parliament should be called as soon as possible. Undoubtedly to it would have to be remitted the solution of the problem of government.

3

All speculation and all further attempts were frustrated by the events of August and September, 1658. The illness of Lady Clay

"As I take it, the report was made to his highnesse upon thursday. After much consideration, the major part voted, that succession in the government was indifferent, wheither it were by election or hereditary; but afterwards some would needs add, that it was desirable to have it continued elective; that is, that the chiefe magistrate should alwayes name his successor, and that of hereditary avoyded, and I feare the word desirable will be made necessary, if ever it come upon the tryall." Thurloe to H. Cromwell, July 13, 1658, ibid., 269.

"I beleeve wee are out of the daunger of our junto, and I thinke alsoe of ever havinge such another. . . . His highnes, findeing he can have noe advice from those he most expected it from, sayth, he will take his owne resolutions, and that he cannot any longer satisfie hymselfe to sitt still, and make himselfe guilty of the losse of all the honest partye, and of the nation itselfe; and truly I have long wished, that his highnes would proceed accordinge to his owne satisfaction, and not soe much consider others, who truly are to be indulged in every thinge but where the beinge of the nation is concerned." Thurloe to H. Cromwell, July 13, 1658, ibid., 269.

3 Same to same, July 27, 1658, ibid., 295.

poole kept Cromwell from all business and put off the calling of Parliament, so that it could not possibly meet before October.' As a consequence, the Parliament never met. Oliver died on the third of September, and all hope of successfully settling the government, excepting in the Stuarts, was at an end. The question concerning kingship had created a permanent division in the Cromwellian ranks, a division which must result in open and irreconcilable hostility after Oliver's death, while the contending factions were so nearly balanced. Had he lived ten years longer, no doubt he would gradually have weeded out the troublesome officers in the army, reconstructed his council, accepted the royal office, and suppressed the republican opposition. The decisive and immediate action so much desired by his son Henry he certainly never would have taken; and he would have been right in not taking it. Such action might have led to an immediate insurrection and so have destroyed all prospect of settlement. Men who had held power so long could not consent to being shelved in this easy fashion. Besides, if not friends of the younger Cromwells, they were the men who had most assisted in the making of Oliver. The situation demanded patience, a quality always at Oliver's disposal and always exercised by him. Time was the essential requisite, and had this been granted, the line of Cromwell might well have supplanted that of Stuart. There was no popular demand for the restoration of Charles II. What was known of him in England was distinctly to his discredit, and few even of his own partizans had hopes of his return. Time, however, was not granted. At Oliver's death the position of parties was such that Richard Cromwell's protectorate could not possibly endure; and the only wonder is that he managed to hold his own for the space of nine months. Even this would have been impossible, had the opposing factions been resolved upon anything, had they not been in such a condition that they did "not knowe what they would have" and could "fix no where." When once they had reached a conclusion, Richard fell; and so far as the Puritan cause was concerned, all could say, as Oliver feared he might be compelled to say, "Actum est de Anglia.”

166

RALPH C. H. CATTERALL.

"Thes late providences hath much retarded our publicke resolutions, that it will be October ere the parliament can sitt." Fleetwood to H. Cromwell, August 3, 1658,

ibid., 309.

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. IX.-5.