The most prominent event of the period, in this connection, has been, of course, the assembling of the Disarmament Conference at The Hague by invitation of the Tsar. The popular demonstrations which ensued upon his call in England and on the Continent, and to some extent here, but winning the name there of the Peace Crusade, was notable as evidencing the growing interest of the civilized world in measures for suppressing war. And your committee, realizing from the first appearance of the Emperor's manifesto the importance of such an opportunity to those who would have an end of war, with all of its machinery, have spared no efforts to influence our own authorities and to encourage conservative opinion in other quarters, towards the special and the practical object we have in view—namely, the establishment of a Court of Nations; a court permanent and authoritative, to take up international disputes, on failure of diplomacy. Disarmament, even limitation or suspension of armament, fails as the immediate purpose of the Tsar, but he "builded better than he knew," and these incidents will follow in time, on adoption of the principles of mediation and arbitration. Of the three groups of questions before the conferencenamely, Disarmament, Laws of Warfare, and Mediation and Arbitration-the last soon took its natural pre-eminence in importance and in promise, and we have had able spokesmen and efficient workers upon that committee, in Messrs. White, Low, and Holls. Without going into particulars, correspondence is filed of very satisfactory nature (but which it is not necessary to print), had by this committee with the State Department, with the representative of the Russian government in this country, and with our own representatives at The Hague. In addition to which we have endeavored through the press, from time to time, to aid the movement, and have kept up friendly correspondence to this end with the American Bar Association, the Anglo-American Committee in New York, and with influential citizens of this and adjacent States who have been active on the same line, all seeking to reinforce our commissioners at The Hague with a strong public opinion. The peace memorials which came into the conference from all quarters, signed, some of them, by hundreds of thousands, made an early and decided impression upon that body. They were such in character as to indicate that the fraternity of nations is not such a wild ideal, after all. Whether much or little has been contributed by our humble help to the formation of such an international court, it seems that the end is at last in sight, and that our American delegation has been very largely, if not mainly, instrumental, by support intelligent, determined and strong, in making it a matter of probable attainment, under conditions such that no material results were at first regarded as possible—a conclusion too impotent for such a congress. For twenty-six nations have never met before; nor has there ever been a more important political assembly. With it has been inaugurated a real "Parliament of the Nations." The good understanding between this country and Great Britain should stand cemented for all time by the conduct of that government, and the expressions of feeling by that people in the recent crisis, if such it might be called, of our war with Spain. Upon our side the vast preponderance of sentiment, so far as opportunity has been afforded for its expression, appears to be for the peaceful methods proposed. The sympathy of both nations in the cause may fairly be judged by the resolutions of representative meetings held in London and New York, and by the views announced by a multitude of men who are recognized as leaders of public opinion in both countries, when questioned on the subject. The "Anglo-American Committee" is now a fact, and will continue to exist for practical work upon this line, aiming at cordial and constant coöperation on the part of the two nations. We refer, of course, not to the "Joint Commission "" for con sideration of all outstanding differences between the United States and Canada, which, to the general regret, has adjourned, after months of laborious service, without reaching agreement on some of the more important of these differences; but to the committee which had its origin at the other side in a meeting under the presidency of the Duke of Sutherland at the Stafford House a year ago, memorable as a spontaneous and striking manifestation of friendly feeling for the United States, at a harassing period of our war with Spain, and responded to by the raising of a similar committee in New York, of which Whitelaw Reid is chairman, the presiding officer of the London branch being the Right Hon. James Bryce. Its legitimate purpose is not an offensive and defensive alliance of force against the world, which would for us increase the difficulties and dangers of the future, but a convention making for permanent peace, with and among other nations as well. About two months since, another of the annual conferences at Mohonk Lake was held. These meetings are worthy of note as assemblages of friends of this arbitration movement in all parts of the country, by invitation of a private citizen, Mr. Albert K. Smiley, resident there, to talk the subject over and enjoy his hospitalities for a number of days. His guests run every year into the hundreds, and members of this committee have more than once been favored with his invitations, extended with such genuine "Old Virginia" cordiality as to be hard to resist. He created and has for five years kept up these conferences from a purely philanthropic interest, and their usefulness, as a sort of central agency for promoting the cause of arbitration, is undoubted. During the year a treaty between Italy and Argentina has been negotiated, which is a marked advance beyond all former international conventions in providing for the settlement by arbitration of all disputes which may arise between them, questions of honor" not excepted. 66 Another occurrence of the year, the Venezuela Arbitration, now under way at Paris, has not reached final results, but has gone to show, in the experience of the court, distinguished and earnest as are its members, the inconveniences of a tribunal manufactured for the particular case. It can hardly be other than a clumsy business when two parties to a contest create a court for themselves, without powers, without precedents, and without rules of evidence. Yet anything was preferable to a collision between the United States and England on an insignificant territorial question like the boundary between Venezuela and Guiana, at one time imminent. Within the past few weeks the United States Government has declined proposals of Austria-Hungary to arbitrate the damage claims arising from the killing of Hungarian subjects in the rioting at Lattimer, Pennsylvania, two years ago, by the deputy sheriffs. The Department of State had at the outset brought the question to the attention of the Governor of Pennsylvania, who, after the acquittal of the Sheriff, held that the State could not recognize a responsibility which a jury had found not to exist. And the department took a similar view. It is, perhaps, not for us to criticise the inconsistencies of a government, or rather of an administration, which carries the country into a war of humanity, to prosecute it as one of conquest and colonial empire; which talks peace at The Hague, while benevolently assimilating, and incidentally exterminating, the Filipinos; and which declines to apply to our boundary in Alaska the plan it thought good enough for the British boundary in Guiana, and will not arbitrate with Hungary because so sure our defensive case is good. Neither does England accord arbitration to Kruger, nor Russia to China. We need not expect nations to be more perfect than individuals. We look upon this Hague Conference, in the spirit which animated it (not forgetting the friendly and respectful manner in which the opposition of Germany was dealt with), as most significant for the future of civilization, and we regard it, in its practical results as a pronounced success, having full faith in its receiving the approval of the powers. The discussions proceeded mainly upon the scheme for a permanent tribunal submitted by Sir Julian Pauncefote. Other plans were presented, by the United States, by Russia and by Italy. That finally adopted, though based upon the British proposals, contained additions and modifications from the other projects. The French declaration of the duty of neutrals, to recommend to disputing powers to resort to the Arbitration Court, with a scheme for mediation, suggested by Russia, but really shaped by the secretary of the American Commission (Mr. Holls), were also adopted. And by declaration read and entered, our delegates assumed no obligations on this point inconsistent with our olden policy, aiming to keep America clear from uninvited interference in European affairs, and vice versa. The draft of the convention, as settled upon, has appeared in the papers, and we mention only some of its general features. It contained fifty-six articles. It provides for a permanent bureau at The Hague, with a secretary, archivist and assistants. This bureau to be under the direction of the foreign ministers at The Hague, the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs presiding (thus dispensing with salaried dignitaries). The nations entering into the agreement to appoint each not more than four jurists of eminence, who constitute the Board of Arbitrators, each member nominated for six years. From these any two nations having a difference may select, through the bureau (by means of which all the business will be done), an agreed number of members, constituting the court to adjudicate their case. Sittings to be at The Hague, the place to be changed in cases of necessity and by agreement only. Recourse to the arbitral court to be entirely voluntary, but signing of the convention implies an undertaking, in nature of treaty, to submit in good faith to arbitral judgment. The good offices or mediation of friendly powers is judiciously provided for, in the beginning of controversy, upon application or voluntarily, suspending for the time direct intercourse on the subject between the quarreling powers. The scheme as devised may not be perfect, but, if adopted, will |