of representation among the States from Federal numbers to actual voters. . . . With the basis unchanged the eightythree Southern members, with the Democrats that will in the best times be elected from the North, will always give a majority in Congress and in the Electoral College. . . . I need not depict the ruin that would follow. . . But this is not all that we ought to do before these inveterate rebels are invited to participate in our legislation. We have turned, or are about to turn, loose four million slaves without a hut to shelter them or a cent in their pockets. The infernal laws of slavery have prevented them from acquiring an education, understanding the commonest laws of contract, or of managing the ordinary business of life. This Congress is bound to provide for them until they can take care of themselves. If we do not furnish them with homesteads, and hedge them around with protective laws; if we leave them to the legislation of their late masters, we had better have left them in bondage. . If we fail in this great duty now, when we have the power, we shall deserve and receive the execration of history and of all future ages. Congressional Globe, December 18, 1865, pp. 73-74, 39th Congress, Ist Session. B Unless the rebel States, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . Having these States. . . entirely within the power of Congress, it is our duty to take care that no injustice shall remain in their organic laws. Holding them "like clay in the hands of the potter," we must see that no vessel is made for destruction. . . . There is more reason why colored voters should be admitted in the rebel States than in the Territories. In the States they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their ד aid loyal governments may be established in most of those States. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered. There are several good reasons for the passage of this bill. In the first place, it is just. I am now confining my argument to negro suffrage in the rebel States. Have not loyal blacks quite as good a right to choose rulers and make laws as rebel whites? In the second place, it is a necessity in order to protect the loyal white men in the seceded States. The white Union men are in a great minority in each of those States. With them the blacks would act in a body; and it is believed that in each of said States, except one, the two united would form a majority, control the States, and protect themselves. Now they are the victims of daily murder. They must suffer constant persecution or be exiled. . . . Another good reason is, it would insure the ascendency of the Union party. Do you avow the party purpose? exclaims some horror-stricken demagogue. I do. For I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of that party depends the safety of this great nation. If impartial suffrage is excluded in the rebel States, then everyone of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative delegation to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. They, with their kindred Copperheads of the North, would always elect the President and control Congress. While slavery sat upon her defiant throne, and insulted and intimidated the trembling North, the South frequently divided on questions of policy between Whigs and Democrats, and gave victory alternately to the sections. Now, you must divide them between loyalists, without regard to color and disloyalists, or you will be the perpetual vassals of the free-trade, irritated, revengeful South. I am for negro suffrage in every rebel State. If it be just, it should not be denied; if it be necessary, it should be adopted; if it be a punishment to traitors, they deserve it. Congressional Globe, January 3, 1867, p. 252, 39th Congress, 2d Session. QUESTIONS What division of the government did Stevens think had the right to restore to statehood the States that had seceded? What was its immediate duty with respect to providing them with legal governments? What precautions should be taken to secure the liberty and rights of the negroes before the States were fully readmitted or allowed to take their legal place in the Union? Why did Stevens think that the negroes had a right to the franchise? How did he think their votes necessary to the safety of the Republican party? XLIX THE FREEDMAN'S BUREAU The Freedman's Bureau was created by Act of Congress, March 2, 1865, for one year; by later acts its life was continued to 1868. It was designed to be a sort of guardian to the newly freed negroes until they had grown sufficiently accustomed to freedom to be self-reliant; it was given powers sufficient to prevent any attempts to reënslave them or hold them in serfage, and to protect them from unfair discrimination by state laws. Two views of its activities are here given. The circular of advice may represent the benevolent motives that caused its creation; the hostile report on its activity describe the abuses it was charged with where it was employed as a political machine for the delivery of the negro vote. Doubtless there was wrong done and good done also; but the negro question could not be settled by the national government's placing men in charge of the freedmen as wards of the nation. A II. By the proclamation of the President sanctioned by Congress the colored people are free. The result of the war, in which so many colored men have taken an honorable part, confirms their freedom. If in any place they are still held and treated as slaves, it is an outrage. To prevent such a wrong, and to secure to them protection, the Bureau of Freedmen has been established, and its officers placed throughout the district. All colored people have a right and are invited to go to these officers for advice and protection whenever they think themselves wronged. The officers ask for the confidence of the colored people. Whenever the State laws and courts do not do justice to the colored man, by refusing the testimony of colored witnesses, or in any other way, the freed people must apply to the nearest officer of the Bureau; he will tell what is to be done in each case. The freedmen must not attempt to take the law into their own hands, or to right themselves by any kind of violence, carrying off property, or the like. White men will sometimes trespass upon a black man's rights or commit acts of personal violence, and then try to shield themselves under the plea that there is nothing but negro testimony against them. The officers of the Bureau have power to take up all such cases, and to admit the negro testimony, and the colored people must seek their remedy by going to these officers. . . IV. They who have come out of slavery must exercise patience. No great change like that from slavery to freedom can be made to work perfectly at once. They must remember that they cannot have rights without duties. Freedom does not mean the right to live without work at other people's expense, but means that each man shall enjoy the fair fruit of his labor. A man who can work has no right to a support by government or by charity. The issue of rations to colored people by the government during the war was an act of humanity, because they were driven from their work, forsaken by their old masters, and left without food. This is not the case now. The means and opportunity to make a respectable living are within the reach of every colored man in this State. No really respectable person wishes to be supported by others. ... VI. The freed people must have schools. If they are not educated they will be at constant disadvantage with white men. . . But the government will not pay the teachers, and the benevolence of the North may not be able to support so many as will be needed. The colored people ought to aid. . . . If they prefer it at any place, they might agree to be taxed according to their incomes, and take measures, in consultation with the officers of the bureau, to collect the tax themselves, and pay it over to the officers, who will use it for the schools and give account to all concerned. House Executive Documents No. 70, 39th Congress, Ist Session, p. 154. B Even while the Federal Government was administering their affairs through direct agencies from Washington, they were oppressed and plundered by the Freedmen's Bureau agencies, by the cotton thieves, and the military, to an extent only exceeded by the carpet-bag local governments which superseded them.1 First, as to the Freedmen's Bureau and its operations. By this act, four millions of negroes became the pupils, wards, servitors, and pliant tools of a political and extremely partisan agency, inimical and deadly hostile to the peace, order, and best interests of southern society. . . . . . The agents of the Freedmen's Bureau were, as we have shown before, generally of a class of fanatics without character or responsibility, and were selected as fit instruments to execute the partisan and unconstitutional behests of a most unscrupulous head. Thus, the negroes were organized into secret political societies known as Loyal Leagues, in which organizations they were taught that their former owners were their worst enemies, and that to act with them, politically or religiously, would certainly result in their re-enslavement. A regulation of this Bureau required all agreements for service between whites 1 These charges against the Bureau were made by the minority of a congressional committee. |