comprehend that to which it strongly and habitually applies itself: the third frees it from the narrow interests of the passing moment, and enables it to form just, and enlarged views of truth, and duty. These means, to produce their full effect, must be so adapted to the nature, and identified with the interest of the individual, as to command his attention, and engage his affections.

WHATEVER may exalt individual character is of the highest importance, both in a political, and a religious point of view;-a political; because the character of nations, societies, and families, depends upon that of individuals, as buildings upon their materials;-a reli- Religion combines all these in the highest. gious; because God has given us a capacity degree. Its interest begins with Time itself, for unlimited intellectual and moral improve- and extends through Eternity: its objects are ment, which, if we neglect, we are false to our infinite: it offers the example, not only of the duty, and interest. The great object of our best and greatest men who have ever lived, present existence is to become wiser, and bet- | but also of God himself in our nature, when ter; and, using the term "wisdom" in its He condescended for our redemption to mahighest and true sense, the two are insepara-nifest himself on earth: it appeals to every ble. Whatever debases the understanding man's bosom by the highest obligations of tends to corrupt the heart: whatever exalts duty, gratitude, and love; and by the strongit, gives additional strength to virtue: for vice est motives which hope and fear can supply. is essentially mean, and it must be an added Thus it counteracts the influence, and frees us safeguard, when the mind despises what the from the corruption of our fallen nature, which conscience condemns. has made us prone to surrender ourselves to the dominion of sense, and to pursue hurtful and debasing objects.

The means whereby we may improve ourselves, in addition to the due performance of our daily duties, are found in the habitual contemplation of greatness, as it exists in superior character-in great objects-and in extended periods of time. By the first, the mind is raised above the influence of low motives, and animated with a just desire to excel by the second, it becomes elevated and expanded, through its natural tendency to

Since, therefore, our character and interests, both for this, and the next world, are connected with our improvement as reasonable and accountable beings, we ought to take care that all our public institutions shall be such, as to counteract every downward tendency: and that all things connected with government, and with general, and religious

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instruction, shall accord with the elevating their caprice. influence of religion.

The first, and most obvious consideration, is the view to be taken of the dignity and authority of those, who are set on high as governors, both in civil, and spiritual things. As they have a direct relation to every man, in his public, and in many of his private duties, and are placed to be observed of all, the estimate taken of their office must greatly influence individual character, because it is practically identified with habitual thoughts and feelings.

The Church, and Dissent, take entirely opposite views of government, and obedience: it is, in fact, their first great difference, out of which all others proceed; the Church regarding government as of divine appointment, and obedience as an obligation of conscience; Dissent contending that government derives its authority from the people, and that obedience rests upon public expediency.

This is not the place to reason on the truth of these opinions; but only to consider the effect they are calculated to produce on their respective followers. Thus reasoning, that must be allowed to be the more sublime idea, which not only invests the sovereign with every thing that is most glorious and exalted of earthly majesty and power, but sees also in him God's appointed representative on earth, by whom He chiefly executes his purposes

towards the nation. We therefore honour and obey him as our ruler, and love him as our protector and father and if we are so happy as to be blest with a king, like our good George III., who not only thus represents the divine authority in his office, but displays also God's moral image in his piety, we have the most exalted idea of greatness that the world can afford. The thoughts, and feelings, which the contemplation of such majesty is calculated to awaken in his faithful and affectionate subjects, are the most elevating, and pure, that we can possibly form of any thing on earth.

A dignity created by, and

dependent upon themselves, cannot excite very elevated ideas; a principle which admits all the elements of party and faction, cannot be favorable to pure feelings.

But ours, it will be said, is a principle of slavery; theirs, of liberty! Let facts decide who is the slave and the oppressor, for the Who is a two characters are always in one. despot when in power, but the liberal? Who trample on the poor, but the champions of of the Rights of Man?" I have known many these noisy sticklers for liberty in my time," said Goldsmith," but never one who was not in his heart and in his family a tyrant." Or, to appeal to present examples, who are now the slaves? they, who with feigned alacrity, and bitter reluctance, drag the triumphal car of the demagogue who reviled them; or the gentlemen of England, who scorn them with scorn unutterable for their subserviency? Who are the tyrants? they, who changed our great national charity, the Poor Laws, into an engine of grinding oppression; or the magistrates, who are deprived of their former power, because their known disposition to protect the poor marked them as unfit instruments to carry into effect its unfeeling enactments ?*

* I had completed, with a view to publication, a small Treatise on the "Administration and Improvement of the Poor Laws;" when the Poor Law Commission was first appointed. I sent the MS. to the Commissioners, thinking it would be more useful in their hands, than if published as I at first intended: and it is printed in the Appendix to their Report. The leading principles there laid down for improving the law, were, the general enforcement

of the workhouse system; and the establishment of a central authority, in connexion with the Government. I claim no credit for having indicated the principles upon which the new Poor Law is founded; for every man practically acquainted with the subject, must have come to the same conclusion: and I entirely protest against the details of the present system; for nothing can be more unlike the workhouses I had described, than its union gaols: or the

"Central Board."

From this pinnacle of glory and greatness, central authority I had recommended, than the down to the delegate of the sovereign people, is a descent indeed. It is idolatry, as contrasted with the true religion; an image of clay, set up by a besotted multitude, to be worshipped in their folly, and dashed down in

The great evil of the old system was, that no man, whether magistrate or relieving officer, whatever his experience, could determine with certainty from his own inquiries and observation, whether the alleged

As the nations who cast off the knowledge | brutal vices, so they, who revolt at that auand fear of God, sunk, notwithstanding their thority which God has appointed to represent eminence in science, till they worshipped the his own, prove the debasing influence of their vilest animals, and made deities of the most principles by the character of their political

idols. Thus, with idolatry baser than that of Egypt, the slanderers of George III. bow down before a factious mendicant; and whig-radical Peers bring their homage and their offerings

this power, therefore, could not safely be committed to them. But the object now is, to carry a system into effect, with order, and humanity; and to determine what cases of undoubted want, should, from peculiar circumstances, be exempted from it. For this, the magistrates are not only the best, but the only proper persons. It is an insult to the understanding of the public, to affirm that an independent gentleman of education and character, living on the spot, and well acquainted with all the circumstances connected with the place and the people, is incompetent to judge, of what an assistant commissioner may decide off-hand at a flying visit, or the commissioners at Somerset-place determine upon hear

say.

to one, whose avowed object is to trample their coronets in the dust.

The principles of government upon which a constitutional monarchy rests, are identical

accompanied them, partly to see how such a family would be provided for. The eldest child was old enough to work, and the second might liberate the mother, by taking charge of the two youngest. The man, therefore, was offered the parish work, until he could get better; he was told that he might send his third and fourth children into the house, and a trifle was given him for his present wants. In a day or two he found employment; he never sent his children, and never became chargeable again. Had they been all taken into the house at once, (and being strangers, with no other resource, they must have come in,) they would probably have remained there permanently, at an expense to the parish of 50l. a year.

but not her children, was actually sent to gaol because she refused to come into the workhouse with them. If anything could equal the wickedness and tyranny of such a step, it would be its impolicy. While the mother continued to support herself out of the house, there was a means of introducing her children, the girls to service, the boys to work, as independent poor, instead of parish apprentices; for as they grew old enough to do something for themselves, and to be useful to her, she would naturally take them out.

But the object of the Poor Laws is not merely to A recent petition to parliament states a fact, support those who must be permanently, and entirely which if it were not so authenticated, would be increpensioners upon the public, and who, with few ex-dible-that a widow, who could support herself, ceptions, should be taken into the house, but also, to give temporary help to those who are suffering from temporary difficulties, thus enabling them to preserve their independence. When labourers, from no fault of their own, are out of work, and which must continually happen, from seasons, or stagnation of particular employments, it is monstrous to say that they shall starve, or go to prison: for the new workhouses are in fact prisons. They ought to be supplied with task work, by which they may earn from half to two-thirds of a week's wages, thus giving them time to look for better employment; which the low rate at which they are paid for what they do, and the scanty amount of the utmost earnings allowed by the parish, would make them anxious to obtain.

Why should labourers, with a large and helpless family beyond their power to support, be compelled to become paupers altogether; instead of being relieved of a part of their burden, by taking one or more into the house? Even economy dictates the latter plan, for nothing but extreme necessity will induce the poor thus to part with a child. Out of sixty children in a house which I visited daily for some years, I do not think there were at any time ten who were thus admitted, though scarcely a week passed in which relief was not offered in this form. Nearly all in the house were orphans, or illegiti

mate.

I remember a case where a man, his wife, and six children, who had long been almost entirely chargeable to the parish of Merthyr Tydvil, were found to have their settlement at Swansea, and were removed accordingly. One of the overseers of Merthyr

The plea offered for the New Poor Law is the saving it has effected. Part of this is deceptive, owing to the discontinuance of the former scandalous practice which prevailed in many places, of paying labourers from the poor-rates: but, undoubtedly, a very great saving will be the consequence of introducing the workhouse system generally, probably one-half, at least. But this will be the case where discipline is tempered with the utmost humanity. In Swansea, with a rental of less than 25,000l., for a population of 14,000, the poor-rates were so low, that if the same proportion could be applied to the whole kingdom, they would be less than three millions a year. The poor were liberally relieved and kindly treated, indeed I do not recollect an applicant to have been addressed with harshness; but the order and discipline which repelled the impostor, allowed indulgence for the deserving poor. The "town" of Falmouth is very unfavourably situated. Municipally and parochially distinct from its outskirts, it contains the great majority of the poor, while all the rich live beyond its boundaries. Actually not one gentleman of independent