is no other way of reviving its' validity but by convincing the existing Legislature of its' undiminished practicability and expedience: which in all essential points is the same as the recommending of a new Law. And this leads me to the third Class of the Advocates of Reform, those, namely, who leaving ancient statutes to Lawyers and Historians, and universal Principles with the demonstrable deductions from them to the Schools of Logic, Mathematics, Theology, and Ethics, rest all their measures, which they wish to see adopted, wholly on their Expediency. Consequently, they must hold themselves prepared to give such proof, as the nature of comparative expediency admits, and to bring forward such evidence, as experience and the logic of probability can supply, that the plans which they recommend for adoption, are: first, practicable; secondly, suited to the existing circumstances; and lastly, necessary or at least requisite, and such as will enable the Government to accomplish more perfectly the ends for which it was instituted. These are the three indispensible Conditions of all prudent change, the Credentials, with which Wisdom never fails to furnish her public Envoys. Whoever brings forward a measure that combines this threefold excellence, whether in the Cabinet, the Senate, or by means of the Press, merits emphatically the title of a patriotic Statesman. Neither are they without a fair claim to respectful attention, as State-Counsellors, who fully aware of these conditions, and with a due sense of the difficulty of fulfilling them, employ their time and talents in making the attempt. An imperfect Plan is not necessarily a useless plan and in a complex Enigma the greatest Ingenuity is not always shewn by him who first gives the compleat solution. The Dwarf sees farther than the Giant, when he has the Giant's shoulders to mount on.-It is, however, to Statesmen and State-Counsellors of this third Class, whom I would distinguish from the two former, i. e. from the METAPOLITICIANS and from the ANTIQUARIANS, by the name of PRACTICIANS, that I shall henceforward address myself, not as an Opponent, but as a Learner and Fellow-student: whenever I shall think it likely to gratify my readers that I should renew the Subject of Politics, by an examination of our Constitution, and of the expediency of a Change.

Thus, as perspicuously as I could, I have exposed the

erroneous Principles of political Philosophy, and pointed out the one only ground, on which the constitution of Governments can be either condemned or justified by wise men. By this sole test of general expedience, as determined by existing circumstances, I had intended to try both the present Government and the different plans which had been proposed for its' improvement, in detail; but as I find that after all possible compression, my Essay on this subject could not be comprized in less than two Numbers, and it being no part of my original plan, I shall inweave the jet of this most important question in the miscellaneous Conversations of the Tourists (See No. 14). So not wholly dropping it, I may yet proceed without delay to other Subjects, which I conceive more generally interesting, and which are incomparably more agreeable to myself; namely, the Principles on which we can alone deserve or procure happiness as individuals, and the rules of right judgement concerning the Works of Nature and the Productions of human Genius. To pourtray the ideal of a Moral Being, to prove the close connection between moral worth and intellectual excellence both in the production and appreciation of the works of genius, and to apply this truth in detail to literature and the fine arts, was, and has always remained, my strongest motive for the present undertaking. I would not, however, willingly conclude this Essay, without something from which my Readers individually may draw a practical advantage. If I interpret aright the signs of the times, that branch of politics which relates to the necessity and practicability of infusing new life into our Legislature, as the best means of securing talent and wisdom in the Cabinet, will shortly occupy the public attention with a paramount interest. I would gladly therefore suggest the proper state of feeling and the right preparatory notions with which this disquisition should be entered upon: and I do not know how I can effect this more naturally, than by relating the facts and circumstances which influenced my own mind. I can scarcely be accused of egotism as in the communications and conversations which I am about to mention as having occurred to me during my residence abroad, I am no otherwise the hero of the Tale, than as being the passive receiver or auditor. But above all, let it not be forgotten, that in the following paragraphs I speak as a Christian Moralist, not as a Statesman.

To examine any thing wisely, two conditions are requisite: first, a distinct notion of the desirable ENDS, in the complete accomplishment of which would consist the perfection of such a thing, or its' ideal excellence; and, secondly, a calm and kindly mood of feeling, without which we shall hardly fail either to overlook, or not to make due allowances for, the circumstances which prevent these ends from being all perfectly realized in the particular thing, which we are to examine. For instance, we must have a general notion what a MAN can be and ought to be, before we can even proceed to determine on the merits or demerits of any one Individual. For the examination of our own Government, I prepared my mind, therefore, by the following short Catechism, on which I flatter myself the remaining Contents of this Number will be found an amusing, if not an instructive commentary.

In what do all States agree? A number of menexert-powers-in union. Wherein do they differ? 1st. In the quality and quantity of the powers. One State possesses Chemists, Mechanists, Mechanics of all kinds, Men of Science; and the Arts of war and peace; and its' Citizens naturally strong and of habitual courage: another State may possess none or a few only of these, or the same more imperfectly. Or of two States possessing the same in equal perfection the one is more numerous than the other, as France and Switzerland. 2d. In the more or less perfect union of these powers. Compare Mr. Leckie's valuable and authentic documents respecting the state of Sicily with No. 12, page 181, 182, of THE FRIEND. 3dly. In the greater or less activity of exertion. Think of the ecclesiastical State and its' silent Metropolis and then of the County of Lancaster and the Towns of Manchester and Liverpool. What is the condition of powers exerted in union by a number of men? A Government. What are the ends of Government? They are of two kinds, negative and positive. The negative ends of Government are the protection of Life, of personal Freedom, of Property, of Reputation, and of Religion, from foreign and from domestic attacks. The positive ends are. 1st. to make the means of subsistence more easy to each individual: 2d. that in addition to the necessaries of life he should derive from the union and division of labour a share of the comforts and conveniencies, which humanize and ennoble his nature; and at the same time the power of perfecting himself in his own branch of in

dustry by having those things which he needs, provided for him by others among his fellow-citizens; including the tools and raw or manufactured materials, necessary for his own Employment. I knew a profound Mathema tician in Sicily, who had devoted a full third of his life to the perfecting the discovery of the Longitude, and who had convinced not only himself but the principal Mathematicians of Messina and Palermo that he had succeeded; but neither throughout Sicily or Naples could he find a single Artist capable of constructing the instrument which he had invented.* 3dly. The hope of bettering his own condition and that of his children. The civilized man gives up those stimu lants of hope and fear which constitute the chief charm of the savage life: and yet his Maker has distinguished him from the Brute that perishes, by making Hope an instinct of his nature and an indespensible condition of his moral and intellectual progression. But a natural instinct constitutes a natural right, as far as its' gratification is compatible with the equal rights of others. Hence our Ancestors classed those who were bound to the soil (addicti glebæ) and incapable by law of altering their condition from that of their parents, as Bondsmen or Villains, however advantageously they might otherwise be situated. Reflect on the direful effects of Casts in Hindostan, and then transfer yourself in fancy to an English Cottage,

"Where o'er the cradled Infant bending
Hope has fixed her wishful gaze,”

and the fond Mother dreams of her Child's future fortunes -who knows but he may come home a rich Merchant, like such a one? or be a Bishop or a Judge? The prizes are indeed few and rare; but still they are possible: and the Hope is universal, and perhaps occasions more happiness than even its' fulfillment. (and lastly) the developement

The good old Man, who is poor, old, and blind, universally esteemed for the innocence and austerity of his life not less than for his learning, and yet universally neglected except by persons almost as poor as himself, strongly reminded me of a German Epigram on Kepler, which may be thus translated: No mortal spirit yet had clomb so high As Kepler-yet his Country saw him die For very Want! the Minds alone he fed, And so the Bodies left him without bread.

The good old Man presented me with the book in which he has described and demonstrated his invention: and I should with great pleasure transmit it to any mathematician who would feel an interest in examining it and communicating his opinions on its merits.

of those faculties which are essential to his human nature by the knowledge of his moral and religious duties, and the increase of his intellectual powers in as great a degree as is compatible with the other ends of social union, and does not involve a contradiction. The poorest Briton possesses much and important knowledge, which he would not have had, if Newton, Luther, Calvin, and their Compeers, had not existed; but it is evident that the means of Science and Learning could not exist, if all men had a right to be made profound Mathematicians or men of extensive Erudition. Still instruction is one of the ends of Government: for it is that only which makes the abandonment of the savage state an ABSOLUTE DUTY: and that Constitution is the best, under which the average sum of useful knowledge is the greatest, and the causes that awaken and encourage talent and genius, the most powerful and various.

These were my preparatory notions. The influences under which I proceeded to re-examine our own Constitution, were the following, which I give, not exactly as they occurred, but in the order in which they will be illustrative of the different articles of the preceding paragraph. That we are better and happier than others is indeed no reason for our not becoming still better; especially as with States, as well as Individuals, not to be progressive is to be retrograde. Yet the comparison will usefully temper the desire of improvement with love and a sense of gratitude for what we already are.

I. A LETTER received, at Malta, from an American Officer of high Rank, who has since received the thanks and rewards of the Congress for his Services in the Medi

terranean.

SIR,

GRAND CAIRO, Dec. 13, 1804.

The same reason, which induced me to request Letters of introduction to his Britannic Majesty's Agents here, suggested the propriety of shewing an English jack at the main top-gallant mast head, on entering the port of Alexandria on the 26th ult. The signal was recognised; and Mr. B was immediately on board.

We found in port a Turkish Vice Admiral with a ship