XXI. BOOK had ultimately returned a verdict of Not Guilty, the house of commons would have stood just1795. ified in the view of the world at large, and the political reputation of Mr. Hastings have sustained irreparable injury. Upon the whole it must be acknowledged, that this famous trial, which had attracted, by its importance and duration, the attention both of Europe and Asia, was, after all, brought to a "most lame and impotent conclusion." The speaker of the house of commons, nevertheless, in giving the thanks of the house to the managers of the impeachment, in his official capacity, had the complaisance to say, that their exertions in this cause had conferred honor not on themselves only, but on the house under whose authority they had acted; and he referred with dignity and propriety to the increased security which the constitution had derived in the course of the proceedings on this trial, from the recognition and full confirmation of the principle, that an impeachment is not discontinued by a dissolution of parliament. Termination sion. The session terminated on the 27th of June, of the ses- 1795. The speech from the throne, on this occasion, seemed to breathe much more the air of pacification than at its commencement ; and his majesty was graciously pleased to declare it to be impossible to contemplate the internal situation of the enemy, with whom we were XXI. contending, without indulging a hope that the BOOK present circumstances of France might, in their effects, hasten the return of such a state of order 1795. and regular government as may be capable of maintaining the accustomed relations of amity and peace with other powers. of the Irish The proceedings of the Irish parliament dur- Proceedings ing this session were scarcely less interesting parliament. than those of the British legislature. In the coalition which actually took place in the course of the preceding summer, and which had been more than two years in contemplation, between the existing administration and the Portland party, it was understood that the department of Ireland was to be entrusted altogether to the latter and earl Fitzwilliam accepted the high and arduous office of lordlieutenant of that kingdom, with the avowed purpose of admitting and establishing the claim of Catholic emancipation in its full extent. That nobleman, distinguished by the beneficence of his disposition and rectitude of his intentions, though partially led astray by the infuriate eloquence of Burke, himself informs us*, "that when the negotiation between the two political parties was pending, if the general management and superintendance of Ireland had not been * Vide "Letters to the Earl of Carlisle.” VOL. IX, Y XXI. BOOK offered by Mr. Pitt, that coalition could never have taken place: it was offered from the be1795. ginning of the negotiation:" and his lordship appeals to the duke of Portland, "whether the office was not offered entire? and whether he was forewarned by Mr. Pitt, that it was to be divested of half its duties, half its importance, and all its character?" Previously to lord Fitzwilliam's acceptance of the vice-royalty, "he had not only satisfied himself (as he tells us) that the Catholics ought to be relieved from every remaining disqualification, but he knew that the duke of Portland perfectly concurred with him in that opinion. And when the question came under discussion, previous to his departure for Ireland, he found the cabinet, with Mr. Pitt at their head, strongly impressed with the same conviction; and," his lordship adds, had I found it otherwise I never would have undertaken the government." Lord Fitzwilliam, however, was by no means an enthusiast in the business. "It was his intention not to press the matter prematurely upon the Irish legislature, but rather to protract it to a period of more general tranquillity; but if the Catholics appeared determined to bring forward the question, he, on his part, would not refuse them a handsome support on the part of government.' XXI. Upon his arrival in Dublin, about the close of BOOK the year 1794, his lordship directly found, and he forthwith informed the British cabinet," that 1795. the question would force itself upon his imme diate consideration. The business had been already put into the hands of Mr. Grattan, in whom the lord-lieutenant could repose entire confidence; and a rising impatience being apparent among the Catholics after the presentation of the petitions, there was reason to apprehend, had any delay intervened, that the measure might be transferred to some other person, with whom the viceroy had no connection, and over whom he could entertain no hope of control." His lordship moreover observed to the English cabinet, "that the Irish nation were remarkably averse to the war, and some considerable concessions were consequently necessary to conciliate them." It being well understood that lord Fitzwilliam was a decided friend to the Catholic claims, that nobleman, on his entrance into the government, was received by the great mass of the people-tired of the inheritance of nakedness, oppression, and misery with the loudest and most heartfelt congratulations ever offered upon any similar occasion. In order to secure the eventual success of the wise and beneficent plans of the Irish government now in contemplation, it was deemed BOOK absolutely essential by the lord-lieutenant to reXXI. move from their stations certain persons who 1795. had ever stood forward as the determined enemies of Catholic emancipation, and indeed of every species of political improvement and reform. Among these were the chancellor of Ireland lord Fitzgibbon, Mr. Beresford, brother to the earl of Tyrone, an efficient member of the late administration, holding, amidst various other posts and places, the office of commissioner of the Irish treasury, "a person laboring," such is the language of lord Fitzwilliam, "under universal heavy suspicions, and who would have subjected his government to all the opprobrium and unpopularity attendant on his mal-administration"---also Mr. Wolfe, the attorney-general; and Mr. Toler, the solicitor-general; proposing nevertheless to alleviate their hard fate by peerages, pensions, or other sinecure emoluments. In a letter written by the lord-lieutenant to the English secretary of state, dated January 15, 1795, he stated "his decided opinion that no time was to be lost; and that, if he received no peremptory instructions to the contrary, he should acquiesce in the pressing instances made to him on the part of the Catholics;" at the same time mentioning the actual dismission of Mr. Beresford, who had for many years past been the secret mover and chief director of the |