XXI. 1795. BOOK critical, and the continuance of the war was much more likely to diffuse French principles there, than the termination of it. As to the safety of Europe, did it belong to England to fight her battles almost without assistance? Europe was able to take care of herself, and several of the confederate powers had already signed treaties with the French government; and the emperor himself in his rescript to the diet, had very recently notified his willingness to enter into negotiation with France. The motion he meant to propose merely prepared the way for treating, and, in words less strong than those used in the Imperial rescript, declared, "That it is the opinion of the house that the present circumstances of France ought not to preclude the British government from entertaining proprosals for a general pacification; and that it is for the interest of Great Britain to make peace with France, if it can be fairly and honorably effected."* The motion was opposed by Mr. Windham, who avowed his opinion that peace, at the pre * The Imperial rescript alluded to by Mr. Wilberforce bore date the 4th of May, (1795). In it "the ministers of his imperial majesty are charged to declare in the name of his majesty the emperor and king, to the envoys representing the several prinees and states of the holy Roman empire, that his majesty is ready to enter into negotiations with the French Republic. XXI. sent moment, was neither safe nor honorable. BOOK It was evident that the exertions of the revolutionary government had relaxed, that its for- 1795. tune had reached its height, and that it exhibited unequivocal symptoms of decay. Nothing but such motions as the present could prevent a speedy termination of the contest, and he contended that all France was rapidly adopting the sentiments of La Vendée. The motion was calculated to remove ministers from their situations, while the prospect of ultimate success from a continuance of the war was infinitely more flattering than ever; it tended to promote disaffection at home, to strengthen the enemy;--He said that the cry of peace proceeded from the Jacobin faction in this country, and that the same sentiment was characteristic of the same party all over Europe; and he concluded with moving the order of the day.—Mr. Fox made an admirable speech in support of the original motion. He remarked, that it had been frequently and pompously asserted that we were carrying on a war not for any particular interests of our own, but on principles of general beneficence and justice, for the purpose of rescuing Europe His imperial majesty, without being too mindful of his own interest, will consult therein the real welfare of the empire, and make it his sole care to procure to the empire an acceptable, solid, and permanent peace." XXI. BOOK from destruction and ruin. There might be chivalry in succouring those who implored our suc1795. cour, but the chivalry of succouring those who did not want it, was madness. Who called upon us to continue the war? The allies were inclined to peace;-neutral powers wished for the restoration of peace. France was disposed to peace, and Great Britain alone was shaking the torch of discord." Mr. Pitt deplored the difference of sentiment which prevailed between him and his honorable friend, the mover of the resolution, on this subject; but was happy to think there was no other point on which they had ever disagreed. He contended that the words of the resolution involved in them a fallacy, as if there were those who did not wish for a safe and honorable peace, when the real question was, whether there existed any regular government with whom to treat? Mr. Pitt corroborated the assertions of Mr. Windham, and affirmed, that, from the distractions which prevailed in France, and the discontents of the people, a new order of things might be expected to arise, more favorable to the success of the war than had hitherto appeared. The exertions of that country were, he said, manifestly on the decline: the depressed state of the assignats, and their incredible expenditure, proved them in a state which might well be styled bankruptcy. The motion XXI. 1795. of Mr. Wilberforce was superseded by the order BOOK of the day, on a division of 211 to 88 voices; so that the opposition had evidently gained considerable ground during the session, and the genuine sense of the house was now sufficiently apparent.-A similar motion by the earl of Lauderdale, in the upper house, was negatived by a great and overwhelming majority. tablishment of Wales. In the course of the preceding winter a treaty Marriage esof marriage had been negotiated between the of the prince prince of Wales and the princess Caroline, daughter to the duke of Brunswic. Early in the month of April the princess arrived in England, when the nuptials were celebrated with extraordinary magnificence. It was, however, well understood that the prince acceded to this alliance with much reluctance-his attachment to the well-known object of his choice, Mrs. Fitzherbert, with whom the marriage ceremony, though invalid by law, was universally believed to have long since taken place, having suffered no diminution. He was induced to this fatal compliance, as there is good reason to suppose, by two considerations; first, the pressing instances of the king to dissolve his connection with the lady who had so long been in possession no less of his esteem than his affection; and, secondly, the promise positively made to him of an immediate and ample provision for the BOOK discharge of his debts, now increased to a vast XXI, 1795, amount. In consequence of a message from the king, delivered by Mr. Pitt, stating the reliance of his majesty upon the generosity of the house to enable him to settle an establishment upon the prince of Wales suited to his rank and dignity, and to relieve him from his present incumbrances, the house went, May 4, into a committee on this subject. Mr. Pitt, in the com→ mittee, declared that it was not his majesty's intention to require a specific sum for the discharge of the debts of his royal highness, but to set apart a certain portion of that income which might be granted by the liberality of parliament, to their gradual liquidation. The extent of the debts was stated by Mr. Pitt at between six and seven hundred thousand pounds, no part of which, he said, could possibly be defrayed out of the civil list. He observed that the present income of the prince was 60,000l. per annum, exclusive of the duchy of Cornwall, which he estimated at 13,000/.; that the late prince of Wales, father of the reigning monarch, and the late king George II. when prince, possessed a net income of 100,000l. without that duchy, at a time when money was of much more value than at present. He therefore proposed that the revenue of his royal highness should be 125,000l. exclusive of |